scholarly journals Everything You Always Wanted to Know About Utility Measurement (But Were Afraid to Ask)

OEconomia ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 61-91
Author(s):  
Jean-Sébastien Lenfant
Keyword(s):  
2018 ◽  
pp. 193-214
Author(s):  
Ivan Moscati

Chapter 12 analyzes the third phase of the debate on expected utility theory, from the end of 1952 to 1955. The issues concerning the nature of utility measurement gained an autonomous status in this phase. Milton Friedman, Leonard J. Savage, Robert Strotz, Armen Alchian, and Daniel Ellsberg argued that measuring utility consists of assigning numbers to objects by following a definite set of operations. While the particular way of assigning utility numbers to objects is largely arbitrary and conventional, the assigned numbers should allow economists to predict individuals’ choice behavior. This is similar to the operational conception advanced by psychologist Stanley Smith Stevens and definitively liberates utility measurement from its remaining ties with units and ratios. The novel view of measurement quickly became standard among mainstream utility theorists, and its success helps explain the peaceful cohabitation of cardinal and ordinal utility within utility analysis that began in the mid-1950s.


1980 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 277-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Wright ◽  
Mary Ann Kriewall

Derived and reported utility functions for members of a high school junior's family were used to predict actual college applications made the next year. The manipulations were whether or not advance deliberations were prompted before the utility measurement and whether or not subjects imagined an imminent commitment deadline. The predictions were poorer when subjects did not deliberate in advance or imagine a commitment was imminent. The reported utilities gave better predictions than the derived ones.


Author(s):  
Donna Rowen ◽  
John Brazier

Measuring and valuing health is a major component of economic evaluation, meaning that health utility measurement has been growing in popularity in recent years due to the increasing demand for health state values in economic models and evaluations. The main issues in health utility measurement are how to describe health states, how to value the health state description and whose values should be used. This article briefly outlines these main issues and then focuses on recent methodological developments in health utility measurement. It assesses the current state of health utility measurement and discusses the question of assessment of a health state to be used in economic evaluation. The discussion whether experience utility should be used rather than conventional preference-based utility raises important issues about perspective and the role of various factors.


1981 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul E. Green ◽  
Stephen M. Goldberg ◽  
Mila Montemayor

Increasingly, appliers of conjoint analysis are being faced with the need to reduce data collection demands on respondents while still obtaining enough data to estimate individual utility functions. The authors propose a model that combines the ease of self-explicated utility measurement with the greater generality of decompositional models to develop estimated utility functions that maintain individual differences. The model is applied to a conjoint study involving physicians’ evaluations of a new antibiotic drug. The paper concludes with suggestions for possible extensions of the approach.


2007 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Colander

In this article, I discuss some earlier debates about the foundations of utility and its measurement, focusing on the contributions of Francis Y. Edgeworth (1845–1926), a famous British economist who was a leader in the development of a more mathematically structured economics in the late 1800s, and Irving Fisher (1867–1947), one of the first quantitative U.S. economists, best-known today for his work on the quantity theory and interest rate theory. Edgeworth argued that utility was directly measurable and that new developments in “physio-psychology” would make it possible to develop a “hedonimeter” that would allow economists to develop a firm physiological underpinning of utility. Fisher, while agreeing with Edgeworth that it was important to have a workable measure of utility, disagreed with Edgeworth about the possibility of doing so with a hedonimeter and, hence, of having any physiological underpinnings of utility. He argued that instead of searching for physiological underpinnings of utility, economists should instead rely upon backward induction from observed behavior to measured utility. Neither of these views about the possibility of utility measurement carried through, and attempts to measure utility were abandoned in the 1930s, when utility measurement and happiness considerations were determined to be outside the purview of economics. Both Edgeworth and Fisher knew that their approaches to utility measurement opened up a Pandora's box of problems; they opened that box, nonetheless, because they felt that theoretical economics had to be relevant to policy, and, to be relevant, it had to face the problems.


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