scholarly journals Middle-class Rebellions? Precarious Employment and Social Movements in Portugal and Brazil (2011-2013)*

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elísio Estanque
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Carroll

Who counts as a gay father? The answer to this question reaches beyond demographics, encompassing histories of family inequality, LGBTQ identity, and social movements. Presentations of gay fathers in the media and scholarship are often skewed toward white, middle-class, coupled men who became parents via adoption or surrogacy. Yet the demographic majority of gay parents continue to have children in heterosexual unions. My dissertation research uses ethnographic and interview data to argue that contemporary narratives of gay fatherhood have prematurely dismissed gay parents who have children in heterosexual unions. The choice to exclude gay fathers via heterosexual unions can be attributed to emerging narratives of LGBTQ identity and political strategies of the marriage equality movement. The consequences of gay fathers’ disproportionate visibility have led to a stratified system of access to gay parenting resources. By identifying the mechanisms that undermine gay fathers’ diversity in the public imagination and in gay parenting community settings, my dissertation amplifies the voices of marginalized gay fathers and offers an intersectional approach to the study of LGBTQ families through a social movements framework.


1986 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 262-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Rüdig ◽  
Philip D. Lowe

Britain appears to be largely removed from the new political tide of ‘green’ parties that is currently sweeping other West European countries. This article will put forward some explanations for this ‘stillborn’ character of ‘green’ party politics in Britain. A detailed scrutiny of the history of the Ecology Party will be provided. It will be argued that the relative weakness of the Party is mainly due to its'failure to attract the support of ‘new social movements’. Particular attention will be paid to the British political system's ability to deal with middle-class protest movements by a mixture of issue suppression and group integration.


Author(s):  
Dana M. Williams

Anarchism is a commonly misunderstood social and political ideology, yet it has remarkable affinities and commonalities with many contemporary global social movements. While most current social movement theories either poorly or inadequately explain the anarchist movement, the new social movement (NSM) theories describe many characteristics closely synonymous with anarchism. Due to the historically confused and contradictory discourse around NSMs and NSM theories, I adopt two distinct approaches here, by (1) considering what conditions or factors lead to the current movement moment and (2) evaluating the “objective” analysis of certain movement qualities. This chapter analyzes anarchism and anarchist movements via six primary characteristics of NSM theories, and finds a great deal of compatibility. Specifically, anarchism has grown beyond—but not completely—industrial conflict and politics, broadened to include new social constituencies such as middle class participants, used anti-hierarchical organizations and networks, engaged in symbolic direct actions, used a strategic and self-limiting radicalism, and has created new anarchist identities. However, modern anarchism may be differentiated from other NSMs (like ecological and LGBT-rights movements) by certain unique characteristics, including revolutionary anti-statism, radical practicality, anti-capitalism, and a degree of core compatibility with classical anarchism. The strategic and tactical benefits of these characteristics are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (5) ◽  
pp. 1124-1142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Morgan

Drawing upon activist interviews and framing theory this article proposes that the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) is better understood not by focusing on the objective status of its leadership as middle-class intellectuals, but by instead looking at what these ‘movement intellectuals’ subjectively did to link their philosophy of liberation to the lifeworlds of those they sought to engage. It argues that this shift reveals three important features of social movements and movement intellectuals more generally. Firstly, it uncovers the meaningful, value-driven, emotional and collective-identity bases for action, alongside the more familiar instrumental motivations. Secondly, given the inevitable clash between movement intent and the contingent constraints under which movements invariably operate, it argues that movement success is better judged not by external criteria that are assumed to hold universally, but instead by reference to the unique strategic intentions articulated by movements themselves. Finally, it shows how, given heterogeneous audiences, the deployment of a diversity of grounded intellectual strategies can help augment the resonance of a movement’s core political message.


Urban Studies ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 47 (6) ◽  
pp. 1301-1323 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Glassman

Urban social movements are often associated with what are considered ‘progressive’ causes and most activists involved in such movements are inclined to describe themselves in such terms. The Thai coup of September 2006 poses problems for any such easy identification. Although executed by the military, on behalf of royalist interests, the coup was supported by an array of primarily Bangkok-based and middle-class groups, many of them associated with organisations such as NGOs and state enterprise unions. Although some of these groups claimed anti-neo-liberal political orientations, their support for the coup effectively placed them on the side of forces opposed to quasi-Keynesian policies and in favour of specific forms of neo-liberalism—at least for Thai villagers. This paper explores this development by focusing on the Bangkok/upcountry and urban/rural divisions in Thai politics, which, although socially constructed, have taken on political substance, in part because of their grounding in regionally differentiated class structures.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Muhammad Imam Hanif ◽  
Zulfa Mutakin

The problem of community empowerment, especially among the middle class, is a critical issue for the government in achieving the success of the development. If in the early 1970s few social movements and government groups were actively concerned and capable of dealing with developmental issues, now the situation is much in tandem with the establishment of thousands of NGOs (non-governmental organisations). The emergence of one of the typologies of non-governmental organisations with the background of Islamic educational institutions involving Kiai and several santri as the backbone of the organisation became one of the forms of innovation of Islamic educational institutions which aimed to empower the community. One of the NGOs with Islamic education background is the Pesantren and Society Development Bureau (BPPM) Pesantren Maslakul Huda (PMH) Kajen Margoyoso Pati founded by Kiai M.A Sahal Mahfudh who is active in community empowerment action in the country.Masalah pemberdayaan masyarakat terutama masyarakat kalangan menengah kebawah merupakan masalah yang sangat penting bagi pemerintah dalam mencapai keberhasilan pembangunan. Jika pada awal tahun 1970-an hanya sedikit gerakan sosial dan kelompok pemerintah yang secara aktif peduli dan mampu menangani masalah pembangunan, kini keadaan tersebut sudah jauh berbeda dengan berdirinya ribuan Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat (LSM). Munculnya salah satu tipologi LSM yang berlatar belakang lembaga pendidikan Islam dengan melibatkan Kiai serta sejumlah santri sebagai tulang punggung organisasi, menjadi salah satu bentuk inovasi lembaga pendidikan Islam yang bertujuan untuk memberdayakan masyarakat. Salah satu LSM yang berlatarbelakang lembaga pendidikan islam adalah Biro Pengembangan Pesantren dan Masyarakat (BPPM) Pesantren Maslakul Huda (PMH) Kajen Margoyoso Pati, Jawa Tengah yang didirikan oleh Kiai M.A Sahal Mahfudh yang berkiprah dalam aksi pemberdayaan masyarakat di Tanah Air.


Author(s):  
Christopher S. Parker ◽  
Matt A. Barreto

This introductory chapter considers how people are driven to support the Tea Party from the anxiety they feel as they perceive the America they know is slipping away, threatened by the rapidly changing face of what they believe is the “real” America: a heterosexual, Christian, middle-class (mostly) male, white country. The Tea Party's emergence is the latest in a series of national right-wing social movements that have cropped up in America since the nineteenth century. This chapter argues that support for the Tea Party is motivated by something beyond the more conventional view of conservatism in which economic freedom and small government, as well as social and fiscal responsibility, are prized. Instead, people who are attracted to the Tea Party are reactionary conservatives: people who fear change of any kind.


Res Publica ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-94
Author(s):  
Staf Hellemans ◽  
Herbert Kitschelt

A survey conducted in 1985 at the party conferences of the Belgian ecology parties Agalev and Ecolo, allows to brush an empirically based picture of the militants and the internal functioning of these parties. The "new middle class" background of the militants, the stratarchic order in the cadre party, the manifest links with the socalled "new social movements" and the specific brand of a new left-libertarian ideology all point to the new and different character of these parties, in comparison tothe established Belgian parties.


2009 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
TILL KÖSSLER

AbstractDespite its importance, historical scholarship has largely ignored Catholic education as a historical force. This article argues that a closer look at Catholic education in Spain in the first decades of the twentieth century can widen our understanding of educational modernity and at the same time help us to grasp better the specificity and contradictions of religious political mobilisation in Europe. Catholic pedagogues and schools responded to the increasing politicisation of education, the changing demands of upper- and middle-class parents and challenges posed by the new psychological and pedagogical knowledge with fundamental changes in their educational practices. The article identifies the main developments in this contradictory shift, concluding that, first, it is highly misleading simply to identify the ‘new pedagogy’ of the early twentieth century with liberal democracy. This questions a sterile dichotomy of collectivism versus individualism in analysing social movements in the twentieth century. Second, the case study points to both the power and the inherent limits of Catholic mobilisation.


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