scholarly journals In Visible Families: Gay Fatherhood and the Politics of Family Change

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Carroll

Who counts as a gay father? The answer to this question reaches beyond demographics, encompassing histories of family inequality, LGBTQ identity, and social movements. Presentations of gay fathers in the media and scholarship are often skewed toward white, middle-class, coupled men who became parents via adoption or surrogacy. Yet the demographic majority of gay parents continue to have children in heterosexual unions. My dissertation research uses ethnographic and interview data to argue that contemporary narratives of gay fatherhood have prematurely dismissed gay parents who have children in heterosexual unions. The choice to exclude gay fathers via heterosexual unions can be attributed to emerging narratives of LGBTQ identity and political strategies of the marriage equality movement. The consequences of gay fathers’ disproportionate visibility have led to a stratified system of access to gay parenting resources. By identifying the mechanisms that undermine gay fathers’ diversity in the public imagination and in gay parenting community settings, my dissertation amplifies the voices of marginalized gay fathers and offers an intersectional approach to the study of LGBTQ families through a social movements framework.

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Dwyer ◽  
Olivier Arifon

Based on literature review and interviews with journalists, we argue that the BRICS countries are constructing a collective vision, guided by logics of recognition and of transformation. The production of discourse reaches its high point during the BRICS leaders’ summits. To go beyond analysis of the discourse revealed in the media, this article examines projects, thereby aiming to qualify and label the justificatory discourses, in order to develop an understanding of intentions. The BRICS countries have become a reference point as the press increasingly makes comparisons between these countries. The notion of recognition, present in the political elites, also appears as a part of the public imagination and in the press. The leaders too seek transformation. The first official multilateral institution founded by the BRICS countries was the New Development Bank. Current efforts indicate the development of common scientific and technological research initiatives and official support for the establishment of an innovative BRICS Network University. Initiatives will appear as these countries try to consolidate their position.


2002 ◽  
Vol 103 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan McKee

This paper argues that much writing about media and citizenship tends to rely on a set of realist or structuralist assumptions about what constitutes a state, a citizen and politics. Because of these assumptions, other forms of social organisation that could reasonably be described as nations, and other forms of social engagement that could be called citizenship are excluded from consideration. One effect of this blindness is that certain identities, and the cultural formations associated with them, continue to be overvalued as more real and important than others. Areas of culture that are traditionally while, masculine, middle-class and heterosexual remain central in debates, while the political processes of citizens of, for example, a Queer nation, continue to be either ignored or devalued as being somehow trivial, unimportant or less real. The paper demonstrates that this need not be the case — that the language of nation and citizenship can reasonably be expanded to include these other forms of social organisation, and that when such a conceptual move is made, we can find ways of describing contemporary culture that attempt to understand the public-sphere functions of the media without falling back into traditional prejudices against feminised, Queer, working class or non-white forms of culture.


2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 453-481
Author(s):  
TERESA S. ENCARNACION TADEM

AbstractThis paper discusses the political opportunity structures which facilitated the creation of sites of interaction and protest against the Asian Development Bank during the Bank's Annual General Meeting in Chiang Mai, Thailand, in 2000. The factors which facilitated the coming together of Thai social movements and their regional and international counterparts are mainly their shared critique of the neo-liberal paradigm and its adverse effects on their respective countries. The strategies they used to highlight these effects enhanced their sites of engagement and confrontation with the Bank and included dialogue with Bank officials, demonstrations, and the use of the media to highlight their concerns. Importance was also placed on the manner in which they were able to mobilize resources for the anti-Asian Development Bank campaigns and the process by which they framed their issues to gain the sympathy and support of the public. The 1997 Asian financial crisis, which highlighted the shortcomings of the Bank's development paradigm, as well as the ongoing democratization process in Thailand during that period, provided the impetus in fostering the anti-globalization alliances of local and transnational social movements in a common venue.


Nuncius ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 320-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Candela

At the beginning of the 20th century the collective imagination was fascinated and terrified by the discovery of radium. A scientific imagery sprang up around radioactivity and was disseminated by public lectures and newspaper articles discussing the ambiguous power of this strange substance. It was claimed that radium could be used to treat cholera, typhus and tuberculosis, but at the same time there were warnings that it could be used for military purposes. The media and the scientists themselves employed a rich vocabulary influenced by religion, alchemy and magic. The ambivalent power of radioactive elements exerted a great influence on science fiction novelists. This paper will examine some significant works published in Europe, America and Russia during the first decades of the 20th century and their role in the creation of the complex imagery of radioactivity that seized the public imagination long before the invention of the atomic bomb.


2010 ◽  
Vol 69 (3) ◽  
pp. 687-690
Author(s):  
Dilip Menon

South Africans see themselves as a nation that loves sport, but with the World Cup in football imminent, there appears to be a sense of exhaustion both in the media and among the population. One important reason is that football does not dominate the public imagination of sport, as cricket and rugby do. The game is played and loved in the black townships, the fortunes of African football-playing nations are followed devotedly, and players such as Didier Drogba have a larger-than-life standing in the country. But football has not become a metaphor for the nation, as rugby and cricket have become. Whether this reflects a racial affiliation alone is hard to get at, because the local team, Bafana (which could be genially translated as “the boys”), are eighty-eighth in the FIFA rankings, without a ghost of a chance of winning the Cup, while at rugby and cricket, South Africa are world beaters.


2021 ◽  
pp. 073112142110108
Author(s):  
Jordan McMillan ◽  
Mary Bernstein

Most research portrays the gun violence prevention (GVP) movement as predominantly white, dominated by national Washington DC-based policy organizations and recently by white middle-class women seeking stronger gun regulations, overlooking organizing by people in racially oppressed communities. In contrast, we extend the multi-institutional politics approach to social movements to understand how interlocking political, institutional, and cultural systems of domination shape GVP efforts across communities. We develop the concept multisystem logic to analyze the public communications of 10 GVP groups in Connecticut from 2013 to 2018. We identify an intervention logic seeking to interrupt or prevent community gun violence and a gun reform logic promoting change in laws and policies. For gun scholars, our approach makes clear that the GVP movement is not solely focused on policy change but on social change more broadly. We suggest the applicability of our model to a range of social movements.


ICR Journal ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-42
Author(s):  
Monika Gabriela Bastoszewicz

This paper focuses on the representation of European converts to Islam in the public imagination. Firstly, the theoretical grounds for representations of converts in public imagination are identified and media images of converts involved in political violence are presented. The second part of the paper discusses the three prevailing motifs pertaining to European converts to Islam within the context of political violence. The Young and Angry, Swift and Deadly, and Gullible and/or Brainwashed motifs present in public imagination, and ubiquitous in the media and pop culture, are often mimicked in scholarly analyses. While these three images are not the only media representations of European converts to Islam, they are the most prevalent and thus indicate the main influences in shaping the public imagination. This paper accordingly elucidates how such conceptualisation leads to a false and misleading perception of the connection between European converts to Islam and terrorism.


Mortal Doubt ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 177-200
Author(s):  
Anthony W. Fontes

Today in Guatemala, terror is often spoken through corpses chopped up and left in garbage bags in the street, female bodies raped and tortured and quartered, and charred gangster corpses placed in certain police-designated locations signaling no need for an official investigation. In the midst of skyrocketing homicide rates, such strategically brutal demonstrations—circulated in the media, infiltrating everyday conversation—take on starring roles in the bloody drama of Guatemala’s postwar order. Jumping off from the quadruple decapitation detailed in chapter 9, this chapter interrogates the ethical scripts, symbolic gestures, and political dialects at play in the production and consumption of spectacular acts of violence. It links such violence to the symbolic power of the marero in the public imagination, traces the postwar “making invisible” of poor youths’ murders, and discusses how myriad actors—from human rights activists to gangs to international terrorist organizations—leverage the power of innocent suffering and selective mourning to gain traction in the public sphere. Ultimately, this chapter argues that in the contemporary world, spectacular violence can make accomplices of “innocent” bystanders and witnesses both distant and near.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 42-63
Author(s):  
Leah Payne

Many view the twenty-first-century white Pentecostal-charismatic rejection of feminism, and enthusiasm for self-professed harasser of women, Donald J. Trump, as a departure from the movement’s late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century origins wherein many Pentecostal-charismatic women were welcomed into the public office of the ministry. Early Pentecostal writings, however, demonstrate that twenty-first-century white Pentecostal orientations toward women in public life are based in the movement’s early theological notions that women must uphold the American home, “rightly” ordered according to traditionally conservative, white, middle-class norms. An America wherein women work and minister primarily in the domicile, according to early white Pentecostals, would be a powerful instrument of God in the world. Thus, no matter how transgressive they may have appeared when it came to women speaking from the pulpit, for the most part, white Pentecostals sought to conserve the traditional social order of the home.


Adeptus ◽  
2014 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Justyna Anna Szymańska

Pop feminism in the service of revolution. Women’s movements and practices of protest: Ukrainian group Femen case studyIn my paper I take a close look at the protest group, Femen, the circumstances of its creation, development and recent activities - initially in Ukraine, latterly also in Western Europe. I analyse the character of the group which belongs to the category of new social movements, and I present and analyse those indications of the activity of demonstrations of the movement based on what took place at street level. The object of my interest is also the issue of the appearance of the representatives of Femen in the media (new and traditional) and the influence of the pop culture on different aspects of its activity. I also question the issue of the employment of nudity in the public domain, and its connection with the usage of the expression of nationality against the background of other feminist movements. Popfeminizm w służbie rewolucji. Ruchy kobiece i praktyki protestu na przykładzie ukraińskiej grupy FemenW pracy pochylam się nad ukraińskim ruchem protestu Femen, kontekstem jego powstania, rozwoju i działalności – początkowo w Ukrainie, a potem także w Europie Zachodniej. Analizuję charakter grupy jako należącej do kategorii nowych ruchów społecznych, a także przedstawiam i analizuję przejawy działań kontestacyjnych ruchu, opartych o konwencję performance’u i przedstawień ulicznych. Przedmiotem mojego zastanowienia jest także kwestia obecności oraz funkcjonowania przedstawicielek Femenu w mediach (nowych oraz tradycyjnych) oraz wpływów popkultury na różne przejawy jego aktywności. Rozważam także kwestię wykorzystania nagości w sferze publicznej, powiązaną z użyciem idiomu narodowościowego, w kontekście innych ruchów feministycznych.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document