Education for Justice-Oriented and Participatory Citizenship in a Politicized Era in Hong Kong

Author(s):  
Shun Wing Ng ◽  
Koon Lin Wong

This chapter aims at introducing issues of citizenship education arising from the social, historical, and political context of Hong Kong before and after its handover from Britain to the People's Republic of China in 1997. It then analyzes conceptions and typologies of active and participatory citizenship and the impeding factors affecting promotion of participatory and justice-oriented citizenship in the citizenship education curriculum by reviewing the education policy documents published by the Hong Kong Education Bureau. Ultimately, it conceptualizes four stages of development of citizenship education chronologically in Hong Kong with regard to the nature of politicization and de-politicization. Through reflection on the political movements triggered by young people in recent years in Hong Kong, this chapter concludes by specifying the importance of nurturing participatory and justice-oriented citizens in the citizenship education classrooms with immediate urgency for students' development, especially in the rapidly changing social and political context of Hong Kong.

Author(s):  
Shun Wing Ng ◽  
Koon Lin Wong

This chapter aims at introducing issues of citizenship education arising from the social, historical, and political context of Hong Kong before and after its handover from Britain to the People's Republic of China in 1997. It then analyzes conceptions and typologies of active and participatory citizenship and the impeding factors affecting promotion of participatory and justice-oriented citizenship in the citizenship education curriculum by reviewing the education policy documents published by the Hong Kong Education Bureau. Ultimately, it conceptualizes four stages of development of citizenship education chronologically in Hong Kong with regard to the nature of politicization and de-politicization. Through reflection on the political movements triggered by young people in recent years in Hong Kong, this chapter concludes by specifying the importance of nurturing participatory and justice-oriented citizens in the citizenship education classrooms with immediate urgency for students' development, especially in the rapidly changing social and political context of Hong Kong.


Modern Italy ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 309-325
Author(s):  
Paolo Morisi

A central debate in political science centres on the origins of political parties and specifically on the question as to whether they emerged as a result of the rise of parliamentary institutions. Regarding the Italian party system, the commonly held view is that Italian parties emerged as a consequence of national unification and the establishment of parliament. This article contributes to the debate on the origins of Italian parties by presenting empirical evidence on the timing of their initial formation, analysing data regarding the social base, membership, organisational articulation and policy-making accomplishments of the two major political movements active before and after the establishment of the national parliament. The article argues that, at least in the Italian case, parties did not originate in the legislature; rather, similar to countries such as Germany and Spain, Italian parties developed as a result of a major national crisis.


1998 ◽  
Vol 14 (56) ◽  
pp. 366-372
Author(s):  
Yun Tong Luk

The case of Hong Kong – acquired by the British under treaty, and restored to Chinese sovereignty in what some perceived as merely a shift from colonial to neo-colonial rule – always seemed a special case in the debate over post-colonialism. In NTQ53 (February 1998) Frank Bren looked primarily from an artistic and administrative viewpoint at the connections between film and theatre in the former colony: in the article which follows, Yun Tong Luk explores the social and cultural significance of two influential local productions, staged almost a decade apart – one, We're Hong Kong, shortly after the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984, the other; Tales of the Walled City, coinciding with the moment of Hong Kong's reversion to Chinese rule. He points out the uniqueness of post-colonial experience in the territory, and examines the ambivalent attitudes of the Hong Kong people before and after the change of sovereignty.


Author(s):  
Rachel E. Hile

Chapter 5 considers two early works of Thomas Middleton with reference to the social and political context of the turn of the seventeenth century, with special attention to how the Bishops’ Ban of 1599, which banned several books and restricted the future publication of satirical works, affected the literary subfield of satire in England. Following the 1591 calling-in of Spenser’s Complaints volume, which included the satirical animal fable Mother Hubberds Tale, authors largely avoided publishing anything like an animal fable. This chapter argues, though, that the young Thomas Middleton wanted to signal his allegiance with the values and ideas espoused by Spenser, and that he does this indirectly in his 1599 Micro-Cynicon through allusions and analogies that render his formal verse satires circuitously Spenserian. Five years later, Middleton published a much more obviously Spenserian work that, with its nostalgia for Queen Elizabeth’s reign and use of talking insects and birds, suggests more fully the ongoing importance of Spenser as an inspiration to the young poet Middleton before he became the dramatist Middleton. The chapter closes by briefly contrasting the pervasive Spenserianism of the young Middleton with John Donne’s perhaps faddish use of animal fable in his Metempsychosis; Poêma Satyricon.


2014 ◽  
Vol 220 ◽  
pp. 1012-1032 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siu-Keung Cheung

AbstractThe People's Republic of China failed to win the hearts and minds of the Hong Kong Chinese people before its resumption of the city's sovereignty on 1 July 1997. This article attempts to account for this contradiction in China's pursuit of reunification. By shifting the focus to the alternative battle to control the lives and bodies of the local population, this article demonstrates how China exploited its water and food supplies to the colony in order to control Hong Kong before and after 1997. The study pinpoints the bio-political measures used by China to secure Chinese sovereignty over Hong Kong. It concludes with an analysis of the current situation in Hong Kong and the implications of China's control of water and food supplies for the relations between the ruling state and the people of Hong Kong.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-308
Author(s):  
Cheung King Man

Language is never just an instrument of communication, but also a political symbol. Translators, interpreters, and other language professionals working for governments and international organizations often have to take their personal preference out of the equation while taking into account the legal and political connotations in choosing the most appropriate words and expressions when handling official documents relating to international relations, public administration, and law. The case of Hong Kong is probably one of the best examples illustrating the interface between language and politics. Of particular note is the equal status enjoyed by the Chinese and English languages. Translators and interpreters working for the Hong Kong government both before and after 1997 have to consider legal and political factors in performing their duties. Translation or interpretation is no longer just a matter of language and communication, but also serves legal and political purpose. With reference to the political discourse relating to the change in Hong Kong’s political status from a British dependent territory to a special administrative region of the People’s Republic of China, what then are the legal and political connotations of words and expressions that translators and interpreters of the Hong Kong government have to consider? To answer this question, the author is writing this paper with at least two identities: a practitioner and a researcher. As a practitioner, the author has been a translator and conference interpreter serving at high-level meetings between the Hong Kong government and the authorities of the Mainland of China for more than ten years. As a researcher, the author is developing a theoretical framework by having dialogues with the relevant political discourse that he himself has participated in producing. The author has integrated discourse analysis with his first-hand experience as a translator and conference interpreter, borrowing concepts from such disciplines as international relations, politics, law, and translation.


Author(s):  
Ericka Galegher ◽  
Maureen F. Park ◽  
Angel Oi Yee Cheng ◽  
Petrina M. Davidson ◽  
Alexander W. Wiseman

This chapter provides a comparative policy analysis of education for citizenship in Egypt, Nepal, and Hong Kong. Having undergone significant political transitions, these countries provide useful case studies for examining the policy borrowing process for citizenship education before and after significant regime change. Using comparative policy discourse analysis framed by Phillips and Ochs's policy borrowing model, the authors examine the intersections between international expectations with national policy around citizenship education in countries which experienced drastic political transitions. This comparative policy analysis seeks to answer the following questions: How has national level policy on education for citizenship changed before and after shifts in regime governance? How are the examples of Egypt, Nepal, and Hong Kong reflective of global trends in citizenship education?


Author(s):  
Koon Lin Wong ◽  
John Chi-Kin Lee ◽  
Kerry J Kennedy

Currently, the challenges deriving from the complex and dynamic socio-political context in Hong Kong influence principals’ and teachers’ relationships and interactions. Academic autonomy in Hong Kong secondary schools is not simply granted by the principals, it is influenced by the society, school conditions and key stakeholders. This study employed qualitative methods to examine how principals negotiate the political context surrounding citizenship education and how these practices influence the civic learning in schools. The results revealed that in school citizenship education, when principals lacked a clear vision of citizenship education, most teachers were compliant and avoided discussing controversial political topics with their students. Such teachers had less autonomy and consequently less self-efficacy. When principals mediated the diverse needs of students and balanced the different expectations of school stakeholders, there were both compliant and critical teachers. Teacher autonomy and self-efficacy were also affected by the current socio-political context in Hong Kong. When principals had a clear school civic mission, the results differed across schools. These findings suggest that principals have to reflect on their own understanding of the purposes and perspectives of citizenship education significantly to meet the multiple demands of a complicated and turbulent socio-political environment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (14) ◽  
pp. 303-310
Author(s):  
Mirna Zordan ◽  
Jin Yeu Tsou

Psychological factors affecting human behaviour ‘a priori’ are largely underestimated in the contemporary urban debate. Mass psychological distress is not considered as a factor affecting urban dynamics within city-spaces. This study compares activities, preferences, and psychological dynamics related to behavioural contagion theory towards urban spaces in Hong Kong before and after COVID-19. Results showed significant transitions in preferences among shopping malls and urban green spaces for stationary uses, paired with substantial changes at the destination decision-making process. Other than behavioural tendencies, these results provide directions for discussing the integration of mass psychological distress into future urban scenarios design.    Keywords: behavioural contagion, mass psychological distress, urban space, Hong Kong.    eISSN: 2398-4287© 2020. The Authors. Published for AMER ABRA cE-Bs by e-International Publishing House, Ltd., UK. This is an open-access article under the CC BYNC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Peer-review under responsibility of AMER (Association of Malaysian Environment-Behaviour Researchers), ABRA (Association of Behavioural Researchers on Asians) and cE-Bs (Centre for Environment-Behaviour Studies), Faculty of Architecture, Planning & Surveying, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia.    DOI:


1997 ◽  
Vol 31 (01n02) ◽  
pp. 113-125
Author(s):  
DENNIS S.-W. WONG

This paper highlights the profiles of juvenile crime and the responses to juvenile delinquency in Hong Kong in the last few decades. With the aid of criminological literature and policy documents, the author uncovers the underlying etiological assumptions of delinquency. The assumptions are biased in favour of the functionalist perspective. Until the publication of a recent study on the social causes of delinquency, interactionist theories seemed to have no part in explaining crime in Hong Kong. The author argues that under the dominance of the positive non-interventionist political culture in Hong Kong, the academics are prone to be conservative. This paper suggests that future research should focus on testing interactional effects among the social variables derived from the social control, strain, labelling and differential association theories. 这篇文章讨论本港青少年犯罪概念的转变及社会对青少年犯罪的对策。透过分析本港之犯罪研究及政策文件,作者发掘解释青少年犯罪的背后假设。这些假设大部份是倾向功能主义学派的。直至近年,作者才发现以互动学派的论点来解释犯罪渐被社会人士所重视。作者建议未来的研究应朝向探讨社会契约、社会压力、负面标签及朋辈关系等因素与犯罪行为的交互影响。


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document