Crystallization Effect of Television Broadcasts on Nigerian Voters During a Presidential Election

2021 ◽  
pp. 18-39
Author(s):  
Stella Amara Aririguzoh
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Survey Method ◽  
Ogun State ◽  
Candidate Preference ◽  
Crystallization Effect

Television is popularly used to offer information to viewers during elections. There will always be citizens who register to participate in an election and then refuse to take further steps, like casting their votes. This study sought to find out if television broadcasts made citizens like these experience the crystallization effect. This effect causes uninterested citizens to make crystal clear choices on particular contestants. This study sought to find out about the crystallization effect on voters in Ado Odo/Ota communities in Ogun State of Nigeria during the 2007 Nigerian presidential election. The survey method was used to get required data from 782 respondents who were not members of any political party, had no candidate preference, and were yet to decide on who to vote for in this election. It seems plain from this study that television broadcasts sharpened these citizens' decisions to make specific choices. These undecided, indifferent, or neutral voters had their ideas crystallized or decisively formed to vote for specific candidates after exposure to television broadcasts.

It’s their fault: Partisan attribution bias and its association with voting intentions

2021 ◽  
pp. 136843022199008
Author(s):  
Ethan Zell ◽  
Christopher A. Stockus ◽  
Michael J. Bernstein
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Positive Outcomes ◽  
Opposing Party ◽  
Registered Voters ◽  
Attribution Bias ◽  
Democrats And Republicans ◽  
Voting Intentions

This research examined how people explain major outcomes of political consequence (e.g., economic growth, rising inequality). We argue that people attribute positive outcomes more and negative outcomes less to their own political party than to an opposing party. We conducted two studies, one before the 2016 U.S. presidential election ( N = 244) and another before the 2020 election ( N = 249 registered voters), that examined attributions across a wide array of outcomes. As predicted, a robust partisan attribution bias emerged in both studies. Although the bias was largely equivalent among Democrats and Republicans, it was magnified among those with more extreme political ideology. Further, the bias predicted unique variance in voting intentions and significantly mediated the link between political ideology and voting. In sum, these data suggest that partisan allegiances systemically bias attributions in a group-favoring direction. We discuss implications of these findings for emerging research on political social cognition.

Influence of In-State Election Poll Reports on Candidate Preference in 1972

1976 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 457-462 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold de Bock
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Candidate Preference ◽  
Election Poll ◽  
Preference Intensity

In a one-sided presidential election, in-state election poll reports may cause the underdog to suffer a loss in preference intensity and turnout motivation.

scholarly journals Political Ideology, Trust, and Cooperation

2016 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 797-818 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Balliet ◽  
Joshua M. Tybur ◽  
Junhui Wu ◽  
Christian Antonellis ◽  
Paul A. M. Van Lange
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Meta Analysis ◽  
Group Versus ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
Two Samples ◽  
Group Members ◽  
Us Presidential Election ◽  
Political Party Affiliation

Theories suggest that political ideology relates to cooperation, with conservatives being more likely to pursue selfish outcomes, and liberals more likely to pursue egalitarian outcomes. In study 1, we examine how political ideology and political party affiliation (Republican vs. Democrat) predict cooperation with a partner who self-identifies as Republican or Democrat in two samples before ( n = 362) and after ( n = 366) the 2012 US presidential election. Liberals show slightly more concern for their partners’ outcomes compared to conservatives (study 1), and in study 2 this relation is supported by a meta-analysis ( r = .15). However, in study 1, political ideology did not relate to cooperation in general. Both Republicans and Democrats extend more cooperation to their in-group relative to the out-group, and this is explained by expectations of cooperation from in-group versus out-group members. We discuss the relation between political ideology and cooperation within and between groups.

Conditional Arbiters: The Limits of Political Party Influence in Presidential Nominations

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (04) ◽  
pp. 709-715 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Steger
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Campaign Finance ◽  
Elected Officials ◽  
Data Sets ◽  
Presidential Nomination ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
The Invisible ◽  
Presidential Nominations

ABSTRACTThe 2016 Republican presidential nomination challenges arguments about political party insiders’ influence on the outcome. This article argues, first, that party insider influence is conditional on the participation, coalescence, and timing of party stakeholders behind a front-runner during the invisible primary, and second, that party insider influence has probably declined since the 2000 presidential election. Data on endorsements by elite elected officials in open presidential nominations from 1984 to 2016 show that party insiders’ participation and convergence of support behind the front-runner is less extensive than what was found by Cohen, Karol, Noel, and Zaller (2008), though the data sets differ. Party insiders participate and unify more readily when the party coalition is stable and there is a candidate in the race who has demonstrable national support. Party elites remain on the sidelines when the party coalition is divided or when there is uncertainty about the appeal of candidates (Ryan 2011; Whitby 2014). The potency of insider endorsements likely has declined with the rise of social media, the changing campaign finance landscape, and the reemergence of populism in each party.

Campaign Funds in the Presidential Election of 1936

1937 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louise Overacker
Keyword(s):  
New Deal ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Apparent Effect ◽  
Political Alignments ◽  
The New Deal ◽  
Radical Shift

A study of the financing of the 1936 campaign is particularly interesting since it may show what, if any, effect the “New Deal” program has had upon political alignments. Eventually, any radical shift in the support of a political party must be reflected in the sources from which it draws its campaign funds.In 1928, both major parties depended largely upon bankers and manufacturers for their contributions, although the Republicans received a larger proportion of their fund from manufacturers than did their rivals. In 1932, although the proportion of the Democratic fund coming from manufacturers dropped appreciably, Roosevelt's promises of a New Deal had no apparent effect upon the support of the bankers, who contributed as heavily as in 1928.

scholarly journals Sikap Pemilih Terhadap Sumber Informasi Hoaks pada Pilpres 2019 di Sumatra Barat

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Isa Gautama
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Sampling Method ◽  
Media Exposure ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Survey Method ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Golden Opportunity ◽  
West Sumatra

Presidential election in Indonesia has just ended in 2019. As part of the democratic process, elections are expected to be a golden opportunity for all elements to play an active role, especially as voters. In terms of political communication, it is important and interesting to examine the attitude of voters when accepting media exposure about candidates. The urgency is even more crucial based on facts whereas more than 90% of media were fake media. Among 34 provinces in Indonesia, West Sumatra is known as one of the provinces known to be rational. It is interesting to uncover the rationality of the voters in West Sumatra regarding the 2019 Presidential Election. The instrument of study is survey method, questionnaires were distributed to 600 respondents selected based on the stratified random sampling method in 3 cities and 3 districts in West Sumatra. The research finding, 51% of respondents absorb fake media in a raw manner. The result finding is then analysed through a qualitative approach based on relevant references. The conclusion of the study confirms that the majority of the voters of West Sumatra did not use common sense in absorbing information regarding 2019 Presidential election from fake media.

scholarly journals Keep America Christian (and White): Christian Nationalism, Fear of Ethnoracial Outsiders, and Intention to Vote for Donald Trump in the 2020 Presidential Election

2020 ◽  
Vol 81 (3) ◽  
pp. 272-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph O Baker ◽  
Samuel L Perry ◽  
Andrew L Whitehead
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Cultural Framework ◽  
Order Of Magnitude ◽  
Christian Nationalism

Abstract Some of the strongest predictors of voting for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election were Christian nationalism and antipathy toward Muslims and immigrants. We examine the interrelated influence of these three factors on Americans’ intentions to vote for Trump in 2020. Consistent with previous research, Christian nationalism and Islamophobia remained strong and significant predictors of intention to vote for Trump; however, the effect of xenophobia was stronger. Further, xenophobia and Islamophobia significantly and substantially mediated the effects of Christian nationalism. Consequently, though Christian nationalism remains theoretically and empirically distinct as a cultural framework, its influence on intending to vote for Trump in 2020 is intimately connected to fears about ethnoracial outsiders. In the penultimate year before Trump’s reelection campaign, the strongest predictors of supporting Trump, in order of magnitude, were political party, xenophobia, identifying as African American (negative), political ideology, Christian nationalism, and Islamophobia.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document