Orientalism in Turkish Political Election Campaigns

Author(s):  
Cudi Kaan Okmeydan

This chapter studies the use of orientalist elements in advertisements of Turkish political parties as a reaction to the orientalist approach of the West, based on examples. It is observed that especially the right-wing parties frequently use orientalist elements in political advertisements during election periods in Turkey. These orientalist elements usually consist of large historical mosque figures and Ottoman motives. However, these orientalist elements are presented together with Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Turkish satellites, unmanned aircraft, and modern city views to establish a connection between the past and future and show developed and contemporary aspects of Turkey. Thus, it is hinted to the West that a Muslim country taking pride in its past can also be a contemporary and developed country. The present study is focused on orientalism reflections in Turkish political election campaigns and aims to reveal orientalist elements and orientalist perspective that are common in election campaigns.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjetil Klette Bøhler

This article investigates the role of music in presidential election campaigns and political movements inspired by theoretical arguments in Henri Lefebvre’s Rhythmanalysis, John Dewey ́s pragmatist rethinking of aesthetics and existing scholarship on the politics of music. Specifically, it explores how musical rhythms and melodies enable new forms of political awareness, participation, and critique in an increasingly polarized Brazil through an ethnomusicological exploration of how left-wing and right-wing movements used music to disseminate politics during the 2018 election that culminated in the presidency of Jair Messias Bolsonaro. Three lessons can be learned. First, in Brazil, music breathes life, energy, and affective engagement into politics—sung arguments and joyful rhythms enrich public events and street demonstrations in complex and dynamic ways. Second, music is used by right-wing and left-wing movements in unique ways. For Bolsonaro supporters and right-wing movements, jingles, produced as part of larger election campaigns, were disseminated through massive sound cars in the heart of São Paulo while demonstrators sang the national anthem and waved Brazilian flags. In contrast, leftist musical politics appears to be more spontaneous and bohemian. Third, music has the ability to both humanize and popularize bolsonarismo movements that threaten human rights and the rights of ethnic minorities, among others, in contemporary Brazil. To contest bolsonarismo, Trumpism, and other forms of extreme right-wing populism, we cannot close our ears and listen only to grooves of resistance and songs of freedom performed by leftists. We must also listen to the music of the right.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Hamed Mousavi

Liberal Zionists blame Israel’s five decade long occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip primarily on Revisionist Zionist ideology and its manifestation in right wing parties such as the Likud. They also argue that the “Two State Solution”, the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel, will forever solve this issue. This paper on the other hand argues that while the Israeli left have divergent opinions from the revisionists on many issues, with regards to the “Palestinian question” and particularly on the prospects of allowing the formation of a Palestinian state, liberal Zionists have much closer views to the right wing than would most like to admit. To demonstrate this, the views of Theodore Herzl, the founder of political Zionism, David Ben-Gurion, the most important actor in the founding years of the state, as well as the approach of left wing Israeli political parties are examined. Finally, it is argued that none of the mainstream Zionist political movements will allow the creation of a Palestinian state even on a small part of Palestine.


1886 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 251-274
Author(s):  
L. R. Farnell

The questions concerning the art of Pergamon, its characteristics and later influence, depend partly for their solution on the reconstruction and explanation of the fragments in Berlin. Much progress has been made in the work during the last year. The discovery which decided what was the breadth of the staircase, and what were the figures which adorned the left wing and the left staircase wall, has been already mentioned in the Hellenic Journal. It is now officially stated that the staircase was on the west side of the altar, although Bohn, in his survey of the site, at first conceived that this was impossible. Assuming that this point is now settled, we may note what is certain, or probable, or what is merely conjectural, in the placing of the groups. We know that the wing on the left of the staircase, and the left staircase-wall, were occupied by the deities of the sea and their antagonists: by Triton, Amphitrite, Nereus, and others which we cannot name. Among them, also, we may perhaps discern the figure of Hephaestos, and in their vicinity we must suppose Poseidon. On the right wing of the staircase, and around the south-west corner, we have good reason for placing Dionysos, with Cybele and her attendant goddesses, although the order of the slabs on which these latter are found is not the same as was formerly supposed.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 1045-1069 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Malka ◽  
Yphtach Lelkes ◽  
Christopher J. Soto

The right–left dimension is ubiquitous in politics, but prior perspectives provide conflicting accounts of whether cultural and economic attitudes are typically aligned on this dimension within mass publics around the world. Using survey data from ninety-nine nations, this study finds not only that right–left attitude organization is uncommon, but that it is more common for culturally and economically right-wing attitudes to correlate negatively with each other, an attitude structure reflecting a contrast between desires for cultural and economic protection vs. freedom. This article examines where, among whom and why protection–freedom attitude organization outweighs right–left attitude organization, and discusses the implications for the psychological bases of ideology, quality of democratic representation and the rise of extreme right politics in the West.


Subject Rightward shift of the Supreme Court. Significance The Supreme Court has historically checked political power through judicial review. However, under the present government its independence has been challenged by a battle with Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked of the ultra-nationalist Jewish Home party. The right-wing-dominated Knesset (parliament) has in recent months passed several controversial laws affecting the rights of Arab Israelis and Palestinians, which are likely to come before the court. Impacts Expanded Israeli control over the West Bank would reduce the likelihood of a political agreement with the Palestinians. Unchecked pro-settler legislation could create diplomatic crises with partners in Europe and potentially with the Trump administration. Conservative legislation could also constrain minority and individual rights, over such issues as gender, sexuality and freedom of religion. Ultra-nationalist legislation will further alienate US Jewish supporters who believe it undermines democracy in Israel.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 32-54
Author(s):  
Lars Rensmann

Germany continues to face an inter-regional political divide between the East and the West three decades after unification. Most strikingly, this divide is expressed in different party systems. The right-wing populist Alternative for Germany and the left-wing populist Left Party are considerably more successful in the eastern regions, while German centrist parties perform worse (and shrink faster at the ballot-box) than in the West. The article discusses empirical evidence of this resilient yet puzzling political divide and explores three main clusters of explanatory factors: The after-effects of the German Democratic Republic’s authoritarian past and its politico-cultural legacies, translating into distinct value cleavage configurations alongside significantly weaker institutional trust and more wide-spread skepticism towards democracy in the East; continuous, even if partly reduced inter-regional socioeconomic divisions and varying economic, social and political opportunities; and populist parties and movements acting as political entrepreneurs who construct and politically reinforce the East-West divide. It is argued that only the combination of these factors helps understand the depth and origins of the lasting divide.


2009 ◽  
pp. 85-98
Author(s):  
Alberto Guasco

- This is a reportage of last August's journey into the West Bank. It speaks about the "iron wall" in which, in 1923, Zeev Jabotinsky - father of the right-wing Revisionists-Zionists movement - considered necessary to confine the arabic population. It speaks of the cities and villages: Aboud, Qalqilya, Taybeh, Ramallah, Bir Zeit, Betlemme, At-Tuwani and Hebron. Of meetings with its people: Michel Sabbah, the patriarch of Jerusalem; priests from Aboud, Taybeh and Gaza; doctors at the Palestinian Medical Relief Society in Qalqilya; agronomists at the Palestinian Agricultural Development Association; attorneys-at law at the Mandela Center; embroiderers at the Palestinian Melchite Embrodery Center; violinists at Ramallah's music school Al Kamandjati; theologians at the Al-Liqa Center; nuns at the Bethlehem Charitas Baby Hospital, and ordinary families from Bethlehem and Jerusalem. It pretends only to be a direct encounter with the faces and voices of the Palestinian people.Key Words: West Bank, wall, check-point, Jerusalem, water, olive trees.Parole Chiave: West Bank, muro, check point, Gerusalemme, acqua, ulivi.


2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-20

This section covers items—reprinted articles, statistics, and maps—pertaining to Israeli settlement activity in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights. They are reproduced as published, including original spelling and stylistic idiosyncrasies. Significant developments this quarter: As the right-wing Knesset continues to collectively punish Palestinians for the surge of resistance (habba) that began in Jerusalem in 9/2015, Israel returns to its pre-Oslo policy of vast land confiscations coupled with accelerated home demolitions in Area C. Similarly, Israel continues confiscating land in the Jerusalem area on the pretext of environmental preservation, with the larger aim being the Judaization of the city. While Palestinians lost homes and agricultural land at ever-increasing rates, Israel's spending on the settler population grew by 28.4% in 2015. In the first quarter of 2016 alone, the number of settlement units approved by the Israeli government was 250% higher than during the comparable period in 2015.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
Paul Karolyi

This is part 134 of a chronology begun by the Journal of Palestine Studies in Spring 1984, and covers events from 16 February to 15 May 2017 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. U.S. pres. Donald Trump leads a new, regional effort to restart Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations. With the prospect of peace talks on the horizon, the Israeli government announced a new policy to guide settlement growth in the West Bank, and the Ramallah-based Palestinian leadership struggled to consolidate power. Palestinians in the West Bank elected new local leaders, although the elections were compromised by disagreements among the major political parties. Approximately 1,500 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails declared a hunger strike (the Dignity Strike), drawing support from across the political spectrum. Meanwhile, the right-wing Israeli government continued its efforts to undermine and delegitimize its opponents, including the Israeli Left, the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement. For a more comprehensive overview of regional and international developments related to the Palestine-Israel conflict, see the quarterly Update on Conflict and Diplomacy in JPS 46 (4).


2002 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 851-881 ◽  
Author(s):  
John McHugo

In the Six Day War in June 1967, East Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip came under Israeli military occupation, as well as the Sinai Peninsula and the Golan Heights. On 22 November that year, the UN Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 242, which it was hoped would provide a route to a permanent peace. It seems clear that Resolution 242 now has binding force1 and that it is accepted by all parties today that Resolution 242 sets out the principles which must be applied in order to reach a settlement. The Resolution is recited in the preambles to the Oslo Accords.2 This means that, in addition, it is binding on Israel and the PLO by agreement.3


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