Equality of opportunity

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Navin
Keyword(s):  
Equal Opportunity ◽  
Equality Of Opportunity ◽  
Institutional Arrangements ◽  
Equal Access ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Ideal ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Treat All ◽  
Individual Choices ◽  
Critical Literature

Equality of opportunity is a political ideal according to which participants in some cooperative systems should possess equal access to some advantages at some point in time. According to this ideal, distributive outcomes (e.g., of income, welfare, functionings) should not be fixed in advance, but should result from processes that treat all people equally. Equality of opportunity is an egalitarian ideal, but it focuses on the means by which people acquire advantages, rather than on outcomes. Diverse conceptions of equality of opportunity are distinguished by their different accounts of what it means to possess an equal opportunity, which sorts of advantages people ought to have an equal opportunity to acquire, and which kinds of cooperative activities ought to be regulated by this ideal. In particular, advocates of equality of opportunity disagree about whether equality of opportunity requires only a prohibition on discrimination (e.g., in employment), or whether it also requires efforts to mitigate the influences of some background conditions (e.g., family social status) on distributive outcomes. They also disagree about whether people ought to have an equal opportunity to acquire welfare, resources, functionings, or some combination of these kinds of goods. Finally, advocates of equality of opportunity disagree about whether this ideal should regulate individual choices or only institutional arrangements, and whether it applies only among members of the same society. The concept of equality of opportunity has widespread support across the political spectrum, and therefore most of the critical literature offers objections to particular conceptions of this ideal, rather than to the broader concept of equality of opportunity.

Criminal Law as Public Law III

2018 ◽  
pp. 71-110
Author(s):  
Vincent Chiao
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Law ◽  
Equal Opportunity ◽  
Public Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
Status Hierarchy ◽  
Democratic Equality ◽  
Political Ideal ◽  
Abstract Ideas ◽  
The Law

The previous chapter defended a fully political standard of justification, according to which a justification of the criminal law rests on (1) an account of when the institutions whose rules it enforces are worth supporting, and (2) an account of why its use in a particular context would be consistent with the principles that make those institutions worth supporting in the first place. This chapter offers a substantive interpretation of those more abstract ideas. Starting from a conception of a society of equals, familiar in the works of Pettit, Anderson, and Kolodny, among others, the chapter sketches an account (the political ideal of anti-deference) that is democratic, egalitarian but not equalizing, and focused on a form of freedom—central capability—as its basic evaluative currency. The chapter suggests that institutions committed to democratic equality in this sense would approve the use of the criminal law provided that those under its jurisdiction have an equal opportunity to influence the content of the law, its use does not further entrench an objectionable status hierarchy, and its use optimally protects effective access to central capability for all, criminal accused and victim alike.

5. Equality and social justice

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Wolff
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Equal Opportunity ◽  
Equality Of Opportunity ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
The Political ◽  
Extreme Poverty ◽  
Iris Marion Young ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter explores the relationship between equality and social justice. The demands of social justice are not always clear. One question that needs to be addressed is whether social justice condemns all inequalities, or whether it is primarily concerned with the provision of equal opportunity or the elimination of extreme poverty. The chapter first provides a historical background on social justice before discussing the political rejection of social justice and its revival. It then considers equality of opportunity, social justice and social relations, and concludes by reflecting on prospects for achieving social justice. A case study on social justice and disability is presented, along with Key Thinkers boxes featuring Friedrich von Hayek, Brian Barry, Richard Henry Tawney, and Iris Marion Young.

РоссияиАвстро-Венгрияв1917г.:дватипареволюции.Поматериаламроссийскойпрессы

2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Left Flank ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Spectrum

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.

Tribunes and Patricians: Fringe Parties in the 21st Century

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry Nedelcu
Keyword(s):  
Financial Crisis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Full Text ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Structural Shifts

The mid and late 2000s witnessed a proliferation of political parties in European party systems. Marxist, Libertarian, Pirate, and Animal parties, as well as radical-right and populist parties, have become part of an increasingly heterogeneous political spectrum generally dominated by the mainstream centre-left and centre-right. The question this article explores is what led to the surge of these parties during the first decade of the 21st century. While it is tempting to look at structural arguments or the recent late-2000s financial crisis to explain this proliferation, the emergence of these parties predates the debt-crisis and can not be described by structural shifts alone . This paper argues that the proliferation of new radical parties came about not only as a result of changes in the political space, but rather due to the very perceived presence and even strengthening of what Katz and Mair (1995) famously dubbed the "cartelization" of mainstream political parties.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.210

Institutions and Political Support

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shaun Bowler
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Institutional Reform ◽  
Institutional Arrangements ◽  
Individual Characteristics ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Expectation ◽  
Using Data

This chapter analyzes to what extent variation in political institutions affects political support. The chapter observes that the existing research is not always clear on which institutions should produce what kind of effect, although a general expectation is that institutional arrangements improve political support when they give citizens an increased sense of connection to the political process. In general then, we should expect institutions that strengthen the quality of representation to strengthen political support. This general expectation is specified in six hypotheses that are tested using data from the ESS 2012. The chapter demonstrates that electoral systems that provide voters with more choice about candidates, multiparty governments, and “responsive” legislatures, correlate positively with political support. However, compared to other macro-level factors and individual characteristics, the effects of political institutions on political support are modest. The chapter concludes that the prospects for institutional reform to strengthen political support are limited.

The Crisis of Minorities in Ethnic States: The Case of Palestinian Citizens in Israel

1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naditn Rouhana ◽  
Asʿad Ghanem
Keyword(s):  
Equal Opportunity ◽  
International System ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Structure ◽  
Ongoing Debate ◽  
Group Rights ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Ethnic Affiliation ◽  
Democratic State

The vast majority of states in the international system, democratic and non-democratic, are multi-ethnic (Gurr 1993). A liberal-democratic multi-ethnic state serves the collective needs of all its citizens regardless of their ethnic affiliation, and citizenship—legally recognized membership in the political structure called a state—is the single criterion for belonging to the state and for granting equal opportunity to all members of the system. Whether a multi-ethnic democratic state should provide group rights above and beyond individual legal equality is an ongoing debate (Gurr & Harff 1994).

scholarly journals What are markets? Selected market theories under genuine uncertainty in comparison

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ute Schmiel ◽  
Hendrik Sander
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Economics ◽  
Institutional Arrangements ◽  
New Institutional Economics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Market Outcomes ◽  
Dominant Form ◽  
Market Order ◽  
Cultural Approach ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
Critical Rationalist

AbstractSince market economies are the dominant form of regulating economic action all over the world, the question arises how markets are conceived theoretically. Answering this is relevant because we need to know how existing and hypothetical markets work in general, what they “can do”, and how one can improve the market order. There are three different market approaches that consider genuine uncertainty. According to the new institutional economics approach, markets are institutions that increase boundedly rational actors’ utility. The markets-as-institutional-arrangements approach denies that markets maximize or minimize market outcomes and argues that they enable harmony between individual and common interests. According to the political-cultural approach, markets are political arenas with conflicts between the relevant actors. Deciding reasonably for a theory requires answering whether one theory is more adequate than another. Since literature has not answered this so far, the present paper deals with this issue from a critical-rationalist perspective. It finds that the institutional economics approach is not adequate because its assumptions contradict reality and each other. In contrast, the markets-as-institutional-arrangements approach and the political-cultural approach fulfill critical-rationalist requirements. Therefore, the paper compares them and finds that there are reasons to prefer the political-cultural approach and to interpret the markets-as-institutional-arrangements approach as its special case. Referring to the political-cultural approach has different consequences for analyzing and improving the market order. Taking a political-cultural view implies, e.g., not only focusing on desirable social values and market rules but also on the relevance of interpretative frameworks and power.

scholarly journals Who is the modern ‘traitor’? ‘Fifth column’ accusations in US and UK politics and media

Politics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry Chernobrov
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
International Politics ◽  
Social Trust ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Modern Politics ◽  
Us Presidential Election ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Opposition Movements ◽  
Western Politics

Accusations of treason and disloyalty have been increasingly visible in both western and international politics in recent years, from Russia and Turkey, to Brexit and the 2016 US presidential election. This article explores ‘traitor’ accusations in modern politics, with evidence from British and American newspapers for 2011–2016. Besides British and American politics, results reveal reported ‘fifth column’ accusations in over 40 countries. I identify three dominant patterns: authoritarian states describing opposition movements as a ‘fifth column’; suspicion of western Muslim populations as potential terrorists; and the use of traitor language to denote party dissent in western politics. Employed across the political spectrum, and not only by right-wing or populist movements, accusations of treason and betrayal point at a deeper breakdown of social trust and communicate collective securitizing responses to perceived threats.

A Natural Centre-Left Majority?

Politics ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-30
Author(s):  
Robin Gray
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
The Core ◽  
Post War ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Failure

This article concerns the relationship between policy and voter elasticity on either side of the political spectrum as an explanation of the left's post-war political failure. The core contention is that left-oriented voters are more responsive to slight deviations in policy. This is used to explain partially Labour's post-war failure to dominate power even when the ‘left's vote’ was over 50 per cent.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document