Family Law Act 1996 109–110 Law Reform (Year and a Day Rule) Act 1996

2013 ◽  
pp. 125-125
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 449-479
Author(s):  
Sridevi Thambapillay

The Law Reform (Marriage and Divorce) Act 1976 (LRA) which was passed in 1976 and came into force on 1st March 1982, standardized the laws concerning non-Muslim family matters. Many family issues concerning non-Muslim have emerged ever since, the most important being the effects of unilateral conversion to Islam by one of the parties to the marriage. There has been a lot of public hue and cry for amendments to be made to the LRA. After much deliberation, the Malaysian Parliament finally passed the amendments to the LRA in October 2017, which came into force in December 2018. Although the amendments have addressed selected family law issues, the most important amendment on child custody in a unilateral conversion to Islam was dropped from the Bill at the last minute. Howsoever, at the end of the day, the real question that needs to be addressed is whether the amendments have resolved the major issues that have arisen over the past four decades? Hence, the purpose of this article is as follows: first, to examine the brief background to the passing of the LRA, secondly, to analyse the 2017 amendments, thirdly, to identify the weaknesses that still exist in the LRA, and finally, to suggest recommendations to overcome these weaknesses by comparing the Malaysian position with the Singaporean position. In conclusion, it is submitted that despite the recent amendments to the LRA, much needs to be done to overcome all the remaining issues that have still not been addressed.


Author(s):  
Robert Leckey

Through the narrow entry of property disputes between former cohabitants, this chapter aims to clarify thinking on issues crucial to philosophical examination of family law. It refracts big questions—such as what cohabitants should owe one another and the balance between choice and protection—through a legal lens of attention to institutional matters such as the roles of judges and legislatures. Canadian cases on unjust enrichment and English cases quantifying beneficial interests in a jointly owned home are examples. The chapter highlights limits on judicial law reform in the face of social change, both in substance and in the capacity to acknowledge the state's interest in intimate relationships. The chapter relativizes the focus on choice prominent in academic and policy discussions of cohabitation and highlights the character of family law, entwined with the general private law of property and obligations, as a regulatory system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-65
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Nössing

AbstractThis article discusses the new divorce on grounds of discord procedure (taṭlīq li-š-šiqāq) within the context of the Moroccan family law reform of 2004. Literature available in English and French has, so far, focused primarily on the improvements the Moroccan family law reform has brought in regard to women’s rights. The reform is considered one of the most progressive legislative projects in the MENA region and a milestone for gender equality, notably the reform of divorce law. Divorce on grounds of discord was seen as the long-awaited divorce guarantee for women. However, legal scholars maintained that case law jeopardised the divorce guarantee. This legal-anthropological study is informed by fieldwork at the family court in Rabat, as well as official statistics, case law and the standard legal commentary. It aims to scrutinise how divorce on grounds of divorce is put into practice by the judiciary, how Moroccan men and women make use of it and how changes on a procedural and institutional level affect the implementation of the new divorce procedure. My empirical findings show that divorce on grounds of discord effectively guarantees Moroccan women’s right to divorce. Well beyond the discussion on women’s rights in divorce, I will demonstrate that, within a decade, divorce on grounds of discord developed into a standard divorce procedure for both men and women across socio-economical milieus and age groups.


2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristen Stilt ◽  
Swathi Gandhavadi Griffin
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Rajnaara C. Akhtar ◽  
Patrick Nash ◽  
Rebecca Probert

This introductory chapter focusses on the status of cohabitants and those in religious only marriages, the similarities in how they are treated by the law and the potential solutions that could be adopted. It shows that law reform is needed in the light of new and evolving relationship norms and the poor outcomes on relationship breakdown for all cohabiting couples, including those in religious-only marriages. It considers legal solutions which fall broadly within two categories: (1) amend wedding laws to facilitate simpler procedures for legal recognition thereby encouraging more couples to legally marry; and (2) extend family law rights available to all legally recognised couples to include those in cohabiting relationships.


1993 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 592-615 ◽  
Author(s):  
CARL BERTOIA ◽  
JANICE DRAKICH

Family law reforms brought about a new social movement and lobby group—fathers' rights. This article, based on a 2-year study involving participant observation, ethnographic interviews, and document analysis examines the contradictions between the public and private rhetoric of fathers rightists. Thirty-two members from four fathers' rights groups were interviewed about their postdivorce parenting experiences, their personal troubles with family law practices, and their posturing on the fathers' rights' platform. The fatherhood project of family law reform, although viewed as serving all fathers, is primarily driven by fathers' personal stake in the issues and the hope of changing their current situation. The fathers in this study presented a uniform voice in support of the fathers' rights' public image of caring fathers who want men to be recognized as fathers and who are requesting equitable treatment in matters of child custody, support, and access. However, the interviews revealed that individual members did not support the full application of the concept of equality in postdivorce parenting, child care, and responsibilities.


Hawwa ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-54
Author(s):  
Danaya Wright

AbstractIn early- and mid-nineteenth century England, numerous law reformers targeted the law of coverture. Under this law married women lost custody of children, lost any property they brought, could not make a will or enter into a contract once they married, and they could not seek a divorce if their marriage broke down under the doctrine that husband and wife were a single unit before the law. The discourse of the reform debates, however, presented women as either violent and intemperate, and thus requiring the chains of coverture to keep them from bringing down the pillars of civil society. Or, they were seen as victims in sore need of the law's protection from violent and intemperate men. At no time were they viewed as legal agents, capable of exercising rights responsibly or as rational actors, who could be entrusted with the care and control of raising children single-handedly. But as the law changed to accommodate demands for women's rights, it is clear that women did not destroy civil society, nor have they attained equal power and autonomy with men. Thus, in looking at the reforms, and the forces that inhibited the reforms in Victorian England, we can begin to think more critically about how law reforms occur, how men and women are situated, and how barriers to equality frustrate legal change. With that history, I believe we are better situated to understand the demands for change in family law and women's rights in Muslim countries. Much of the rhetoric is ironically familiar. And I argue that knowledge of the pitfalls that threatened legal change in the Anglo-American west can help us avoid them in law reform arenas across the Muslim world. Of course, it is not simply that by learning our history we can hope not to repeat it. Rather, by understanding the complex interplay of reformist arguments and conservative pressures, we are better able to see beneath the rhetoric to the power structures inhibiting women's autonomy that lurk beneath the surface.


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