Discriminatory Practices in the U.S. and Canadian “Unfair” Trade Law Systems

2019 ◽  
pp. 75-102
Author(s):  
Andrew D.M. Anderson
Keyword(s):  
1991 ◽  
Vol 7 (02) ◽  
pp. 118-127
Author(s):  
John J. Stocker

This paper discusses the origins of decision by the Shipbuilders Council of America to file a petition under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 charging Japan, South Korea, West Germany and Norway with unfair trade practices in shipbuilding and ship repair. The progress of negotiations between the U.S. Trade Representative and foreign governments is presented, as are the actions of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) to address the reduction of unfair subsidies. The paper provides insight into the future course of action of the U.S. Government as well as the Shipbuilders Council of America in their continuing effort to provide for the reentry of U.S. shipbuilders into the worldwide commercial shipbuilding and ship repair markets.


1993 ◽  
Vol 129 (4) ◽  
pp. 735-751 ◽  
Author(s):  
James M. DeVault

2004 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sungjoon Cho

On August 30, 2002, the World Trade Organization (WTO) authorized the European Communities (EC) to suspend its tariff concessions and other obligations toward the United States to the extent of U.S. $4 billion for the latter’s failure to comply with the Appellate Body’s decision that the United States had violated the WTO rules, in particular, the WTO Subsidy Code by providing the prohibited subsidies to foreign sales corporations (FSCs) in the form of tax breaks (the FSC Article 22.6 Report). The sheer scale of the EC’s suspension in response to the U.S. violation is unprecedented, far surpassing the suspensions authorized in two previous cases that invoked the WTO enforcement mechanism, Banana III and Hormones. At first glance, this dramatic finale for such a high-profile case might be welcomed as an impressive revelation of the real achievement of the WTO system equipped with teeth, unlike its predecessor the old GATT.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 115 ◽  
pp. 52-56
Author(s):  
Judith Goldstein

Trade policy decisions have direct, and almost immediate, effects on American jobs and wages. As result, historically, commercial policy has been highly partisan and closely associated with constituent demands. From this perspective, the post-World War II years were anomalous: trade policy was bipartisan and de-politicized. Due to rapid growth in the U.S. economy, those hurt by imports were easily re-employed, dampening the growth of a pro-protection coalition in either party. This facilitated a U.S.-led expansion of trade under the umbrella of commonly accepted international rules. In the last decades of the twentieth century, however, this pro-trade consensus began to unravel. While U.S. exports continued to thrive, the growth of regional and global value chains and the emergence of East Asian manufacturing giants caused job dislocation and a bifurcation of the U.S. economy around a skill premium. The Trump administration's response was to externalize these problems onto U.S. trading partners. The Biden administration needs a different strategy. Even though the Democratic party has been critical of aspects of the multilateral regime, Biden must re-connect with the international community. The United States should strive to be a better partner in the World Trade Organization (WTO), resist the capricious use of trade law, and rebuild a competitive domestic economy.


2004 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 69-69
Author(s):  
Ronald Stewart-Brown
Keyword(s):  

1997 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-474 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractIceland, a non-member of the International Whaling Commission, is considering a return to commercial whaling. It is inevitable that should Iceland recommence commercial whaling that the United States, pursuant to the Pelly Amendment, will threaten the imposition of trade measures against Iceland.This contribution examines the impact on all nations, most particularly the whaling nations, of both a U.S. decision not to impose an embargo against Iceland and a U.S. decision to impose an embargo against Iceland. In either scenario whaling nations have good reason to be concerned.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 384-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen Claussen

This essay examines the challenges and opportunities for regional trade lawmaking in the U.S.-Africa relationship. On the eve of the conclusion of an African continental free trade agreement, the U.S. trade law relationship with the continent remains focused on regional groups. Questions remain as to whether the existing trade law regime offers the flexibility necessary to accommodate alternative models to free trade agreements that may best serve the needs of African and U.S. constituencies. The essay proceeds in four parts. First, I sketch the current state of play in U.S.-Africa trade relations. Next, I outline how the U.S. and African approaches to trade lawmaking have differed. I then turn to two sets of challenges—one domestic and one international—that may impede innovation in developing a U.S.-Africa trade law relationship consistent with African interests. Finally, the essay concludes with an exploration of possible alternatives and issues not yet considered in the transcontinental dialogue on trade.


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