Saudi Arabia and the Iranian Revolution: The Religious Dimension

Author(s):  
Jacob Goldberg
2018 ◽  
pp. 217-232
Author(s):  
Simon Wolfgang Fuchs

Studies on the conflict between Sunnis and Shi‘as in Pakistan tend to single out intellectual influences emerging from the Arab monarchies of the Gulf as the paradigm for how sectarian ideas have spread more broadly. Yet, Simon Fuchs shows that the focus on Saudi Arabia does not capture the important entanglement of further influences stemming from the Gulf with local dimensions of sectarianism in Pakistan. Local Sunni scholars, although connected to Saudi Arabia, built their own brand of anti-Shiism. After the 1979 Iranian revolution, sectarian arguments based on Salafi-Wahhabi doctrines and emphasizing the doctrinal incompatibility between “proper” Islam and Shiism gave way to more political arguments, as the new Islamic Republic was seen as threatening the identity and the nature of the Pakistani state.


Author(s):  
Simon Wolfgang Fuchs

This chapter studies the changing discourses of sectarianism since the 1970s. During this decade, anti-Shi‘i rhetoric was the prerogative of Ahl-i Hadis scholars with close ties to Saudi Arabia. The polemics of the famous agitator Ihsan Ilahi Zahir (d. 1987) were centered on doctrinal points. The chapter contends, however, that for the ‘ulama of Pakistan’s most virulent anti-Shi‘i group, the Sipah-i Sahabah-i Pakistan (Army of the Companions of the Prophet; SSP), the Iranian Revolution constituted a threatening attempt at world domination and subversion of the fundamentals of Islamic politics. Even though these Deobandi scholars—in the vein of Zahir—still highlighted doctrinal incompatibilities between “real” and Shi‘i Islam, the Shi‘is were now primarily framed as a political problem: they blocked Pakistan from being molded into its true form: namely, that of a Sunni state with aspirations to global leadership. In formulating their answer to Khomeini, these sectarian Sunni ‘ulama attempted to reclaim the caliphate as a divinely sanctioned office that strikingly resembled and transcended Iran’s model of government.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 703-715
Author(s):  
Simon Wolfgang Fuchs

This article questions the often-assumed centrality of Saudi Arabia for the development of anti-Shi‘i sectarianism in Pakistan. I argue that those groups and individuals who have been most vocal about the Shi‘i ‘threat’ since the 1980s lacked (and continue to lack) any strong lineages with the Kingdom. Instead, their local polemics in Urdu foregrounded Pakistan as a political idea and global promise for Islam. This status of Pakistan’s self-view was acutely threatened by the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the subsequent establishment of a religious state under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini. Consequently, Pakistani sectarian scholars transcended earlier Salafi-inspired arguments and tried to render Sunni Islam ‘fit’ to compete with powerful Shi‘i symbols. In doing so, they displayed a remarkable willingness to appropriate and rework Shi‘i concepts, something that is far from the mind of Saudi clerics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-84
Author(s):  
Beatriz Pidone Costa

Resumo O sectarismo religioso, considerado como um dos principais motivos que levaram à disputa entre Arábia Saudita e Irã, é utilizado como instrumento político por esses Estados em prol de seus interesses. As relações entre ambos tiveram um início cooperativo, porém, após a Revolução Iraniana de 1979, passaram apenas a se deteriorar. O embate entre os países islâmicos se acirrou, impulsionado pelas intervenções americanas na região; pela Primavera Árabe; e pela crise de legitimidade dos governos islâmicos. Atualmente, sem perspectivas de reatamento, as relações diplomáticas entre os países encontram-se rompidas. Enquanto o Irã vem ganhando espaço e influência, apesar de sérios problemas internos; a Arábia Saudita, mesmo com força regional e novas estratégias para sua política externa e interna, se vê prejudicada e enfraquecida. Palavras-chave: Arábia Saudita; Irã; Golfo Pérsico; rivalidade; hegemonia.   Abstract Religious sectarianism, considered one of the main reasons that led to the dispute between Saudi Arabia and Iran, is used as a political instrument by these states for their interests. The relations between them had a cooperative beginning, but after the Iranian Revolution in 1979, they only deteriorated. The clash between Islamist countries has stirred up, boosted by US interventions in the region; by the Arab Spring; and by the legitimacy crisis of Islamic governments. Currently, with no prospect of reattachment, the diplomatic ties of both countries remain severed. While Iran has been gaining space and influence, despite serious internal problems; Saudi Arabia, even with regional strength and new strategies for its foreign and domestic policy, feels undermined and weakened. Keywords: Saudi Arabia; Iran; Persian Gulf; rivalry; hegemony.


1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-99
Author(s):  
Suleiman K. Kassicieh ◽  
Jamal R. Nassar

This article analyzes the effects of the recent developments in Iran—namely, the Iranian Revolution and the Iran-Iraq War—on the activities of multinational corporations (MNCs) in the Arab oil-producing countries of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates. The level of sales, contracts, and investments by MNCs reflect the perceived spill-over effect of revolution and war and therefore the perceived increase in the risk of losses due to political instability.


Vacunas ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Y.M. AlGoraini ◽  
N.N. AlDujayn ◽  
M.A. AlRasheed ◽  
Y.E. Bashawri ◽  
S.S. Alsubaie ◽  
...  

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 224
Author(s):  
Subodh Banzal ◽  
Sonal Banzal ◽  
Sadhana Banzal ◽  
Ayobenji Ayoola

2017 ◽  
Vol 87 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 37-48
Author(s):  
Riyadh A. Alzaheb ◽  
Norah Alatawi ◽  
Khawla A. Daoud ◽  
Naema Altawil

Abstract.Background: Establishing understanding of infants’ dietary intakes can support interventions to improve their diets and overall health. Because information on the dietary intakes of infants aged ≤12 months in Saudi Arabia is scarce, this study examined the diets of infants aged 6 and 12 months in Saudi Arabia and determined their main dietary sources of total energy and macronutrients. Methods: A crosssectional dietary survey employing a single 24-hour recall was performed between May and December 2015 with a sample of mothers of 278 healthy 6-month-old and 259 12-month-old infants. An analysis of the dietary intake data determined the nutrient intake adequacy and the percentage contributions of foods to energy and macronutrient intakes. Results: The respective mean daily energy intakes of the 6-month-old and 12-month-old infants in the study were 703 kcal and 929 kcal. Both age groups recorded adequate nutrient intakes, with the exception that the 6-month-olds’ mean vitamin D intake fell below the recommended Adequate Intake (AI), and the 12-month-olds’ intakes of omega-6 fatty acids and vitamin D were also below the AI, along with their iron intake which fell short of the Recommended Dietary Allowance (RDA). Conclusion: The data generated here will assist health professionals in planning interventions which aim to improve infants’ diets and to offer guidance to parents on the appropriate selection of food for their infants.


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