Religious diversity in the public arena as a cornerstone for social integration and the impact of law

Author(s):  
Gabriele Buchholtz
Author(s):  
Alejandro Frenkel ◽  
Agostina Dasso Martorell

El artículo analiza el desarrollo de una comunidad de seguridad en América del Sur y el impacto que tuvo sobre ella la pandemia provocada por el coronavirus. A partir de un enfoque constructivista, en la primera parte del trabajo se explica cómo la crisis del regionalismo, la dificultad para definir amenazas comunes y la erosión de la identidad colectiva atentaron contra la maduración de la comunidad de seguridad sudamericana. Sobre este escenario, se argumenta que la crisis sanitaria originada por la COVID-19 dio lugar a un movimiento de resecuritización que profundizó el retroceso de la comunidad y se manifestó en tres indicadores: 1) la proliferación de discursos que identifican a los vecinos como una amenaza a la seguridad y la salud; 2) la fortificación de las fronteras; 3) el incremento de la militarización de la seguridad ciudadana y otras esferas de la arena pública. Como conclusión, se sostiene que ese tipo de prácticas y discursos da lugar a un tipo de comunidad política parecida a una sociedad anárquica, en la que los Estados se identifican más como rivales que como amigos. Abstract The article analyzes the development of a security community in South America and the impact that the coronavirus pandemic had on it. By using a constructivist methodology, the paper analyzes how the crisis of regionalism, the difficulty in defining common threats and the erosion of a collective identity hampered the maturation of the community. In this context, it is argued that the health crisis caused by COVID-19 gave rise to a securitization process that deepened the process of dismantling that community and was reflected in three indicators: 1) the proliferation of discourses that identify neighbors as a threat to safety and health; 2) a fortification of the borders; 3) an increase in the militarization of citizen security and other spheres of the public arena. It is concluded that this type of practice and discourse gives rise to a type of political community similar to an anarchic society, where states identify themselves as rivals rather than friends.


Author(s):  
Brad R. Fulton ◽  
Richard L. Wood

Brad R. Fulton and Richard L. Wood’s chapter uses a national dataset of faith-based community organizing (FBCO) coalitions to provide an overview of an organizational field that is central to the progressive religious activist field as a whole. The chapter focuses on the high levels of religious diversity, racial/ethnic diversity, and socioeconomic diversity of the FBCO field, and argues that these groups draw on shared religious commitments to bridge their racial/ethnic and socioeconomic divides. Finally, they argue that in addition to the sheer scale of mobilization enabled by the FBCO infrastructure, this diversity constitutes faith-based organizing’s most significant source of power and most important credential for legitimacy in the public arena.


1982 ◽  
Vol 37 (12) ◽  
pp. 1403-1404
Author(s):  
Richard Reardon
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
pp. 109-123
Author(s):  
I. E. Limonov ◽  
M. V. Nesena

The purpose of this study is to evaluate the impact of public investment programs on the socio-economic development of territories. As a case, the federal target programs for the development of regions and investment programs of the financial development institution — Vnesheconombank, designed to solve the problems of regional development are considered. The impact of the public interventions were evaluated by the “difference in differences” method using Bayesian modeling. The results of the evaluation suggest the positive impact of federal target programs on the total factor productivity of regions and on innovation; and that regional investment programs of Vnesheconombank are improving the export activity. All of the investments considered are likely to have contributed to the reduction of unemployment, but their implementation has been accompanied by an increase in social inequality.


Author(s):  
EVA MOEHLECKE DE BASEGGIO ◽  
OLIVIA SCHNEIDER ◽  
TIBOR SZVIRCSEV TRESCH

The Swiss Armed Forces (SAF), as part of a democratic system, depends on legitimacy. Democracy, legitimacy and the public are closely connected. In the public sphere the SAF need to be visible; it is where they are controlled and legitimated by the citizens, as part of a deliberative discussion in which political decisions are communicatively negotiated. Considering this, the meaning of political communication, including the SAF’s communication, becomes obvious as it forms the most important basis for political legitimation processes. Social media provide a new way for the SAF to communicate and interact directly with the population. The SAF’s social media communication potentially brings it closer to the people and engages them in a dialogue. The SAF can become more transparent and social media communication may increase its reputation and legitimacy. To measure the effects of social media communication, a survey of the Swiss internet population was conducted. Based on this data, a structural equation model was defined, the effects of which substantiate the assumption that the SAF benefits from being on social media in terms of broadening its reach and increasing legitimacy values.


2012 ◽  
pp. 22-46
Author(s):  
Huong Nguyen Thi Lan ◽  
Toan Pham Ngoc

The purpose of this study is to evaluate the impact of public expenditure cuts on employment and income to support policies for the development of the labor mar- ket. Impact evaluation is of interest for policy makers as well as researchers. This paper presents a method – that is based on a Computable General Equilibrium model – to analyse the impact of the public expenditure cuts policy on employment and income in industries and occupations in Vietnam using macro data, the Input output table, 2006, 2008 and the 2010 Vietnam Household Living Standard Survey.


Author(s):  
OLEKSANDR STEGNII

The paper analyses specific features of sociological data circulation in a public space during an election campaign. The basic components of this kind of space with regard to sociological research are political actors (who put themselves up for the election), voters and agents. The latter refer to professional groups whose corporate interests are directly related to the impact on the election process. Sociologists can also be seen as agents of the electoral process when experts in the field of electoral sociology are becoming intermingled with manipulators without a proper professional background and publications in this field. In a public space where an electoral race is unfolding, empirical sociological research becomes the main form of obtaining sociological knowledge, and it is primarily conducted to measure approval ratings. Electoral research serves as an example of combining the theoretical and empirical components of sociological knowledge, as well as its professional and public dimensions. Provided that sociologists meet all the professional requirements, electoral research can be used as a good tool for evaluating the trustworthiness of results reflecting the people’s expression of will. Being producers of sociological knowledge, sociologists act in two different capacities during an election campaign: as analysts and as pollsters. Therefore, it is essential that the duties and areas of responsibility for professional sociologists should be separated from those of pollsters. Another thing that needs to be noted is the negative influence that political strategists exert on the trustworthiness of survey findings which are going to be released to the public. Using the case of approval ratings as an illustration, the author analyses the most common techniques aimed at misrepresenting and distorting sociological data in the public space. Particular attention is given to the markers that can detect bogus polling companies, systemic violations during the research process and data falsification.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-211
Author(s):  
James Crossley

Using the 400th anniversary of the King James Bible as a test case, this article illustrates some of the important ways in which the Bible is understood and consumed and how it has continued to survive in an age of neoliberalism and postmodernity. It is clear that instant recognition of the Bible-as-artefact, multiple repackaging and pithy biblical phrases, combined with a popular nationalism, provide distinctive strands of this understanding and survival. It is also clear that the KJV is seen as a key part of a proud English cultural heritage and tied in with traditions of democracy and tolerance, despite having next to nothing to do with either. Anything potentially problematic for Western liberal discourse (e.g. calling outsiders “dogs,” smashing babies heads against rocks, Hades-fire for the rich, killing heretics, using the Bible to convert and colonize, etc.) is effectively removed, or even encouraged to be removed, from such discussions of the KJV and the Bible in the public arena. In other words, this is a decaffeinated Bible that has been colonized by, and has adapted to, Western liberal capitalism.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document