Transnational Solidarity and Cosmopolitanism from Below

Author(s):  
Óscar García Agustín ◽  
Martin Bak Jørgensen
Author(s):  
Ann-Kathrin Reinl ◽  
Heiko Giebler

As a consequence of the European Economic Crisis, the European Union (EU) has implanted mechanisms to assist fellow member states facing economic difficulties. Despite an increasing academic interest in public preferences for such intra-EU solidarity measures, research has so far largely ignored individual characteristics that could possibly influence politicians’ views. In this paper, we look at politicians’ preferences for transnational solidarity and argue that these preferences depend on attitudes regarding socioeconomic issues as well as attitudes related to the EU. Moreover, we hypothesize that the relationship is moderated by responsibility attribution and the economic situation in a country. Using survey data of about 4000 politicians running for office in nine EU countries, we find that transnational solidarity is more common for socioeconomically left-wing and pro-EU politicians. Yet, attitudinal differences only cease to matter when the beneficiary state is perceived responsible for the crisis and economic problems at home are low.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Bojana Videkanić

Abstract This article examines aspects of the history of socialist Yugoslavia’s contribution to creating a transnational Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) culture. It does so by analyzing cultural diplomacy on the Yugoslav cultural and political scene between the 1950s and 1980s. The cultural diplomacy of Yugoslavia and its nonaligned partners is seen as a form of political agency, paralleling and supplementing larger activities of forming economic and political cooperation in the Global South. Yugoslavia’s role in building NAM culture was instrumental in nurturing nascent transnationalism, which was born out of anti-colonial movements following World War II. Cultural events, bilateral agreements, and cultural institutions were used to complement Yugoslav participation in an anti-colonial, anti-capitalist struggle; they promoted NAM ideals and sought to create transcultural networks that would counter Western cultural hegemony. Such examples of solidarity were based in a modernist cultural ethos, but espoused political, social, and cultural forms that were indigenous to various NAM countries. For Yugoslavia, nonaligned modernism and transnationalism solidified the country’s transition from a hardline, Soviet-style state to a more open, humanist-socialist one. The history of transnational collaboration, examined through the narrative of cultural work, is an example of Yugoslav attempts at building political agency and international cooperation through the promotion of nonaligned ideals.


2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Stephan Kirste ◽  
Doris Wydra ◽  
Kirsten Schmalenbach ◽  
Sonja Puntscher-Riekmann

2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noura Erakat ◽  
Marc Lamont Hill

This introductory essay outlines the context for this special issue of the Journal of Palestine Studies on Black-Palestinian transnational solidarity (BPTS). Through the analytic of “renewal,” the authors point to the recent increase in individual and collective energies directed toward developing effective, reciprocal, and transformative political relationships within various African-descendant and Palestinian communities around the world. Drawing from the extant BPTS literature, this essay examines the prominent intellectual currents in the field and points to new methodologies and analytics that are required to move the field forward. With this essay, the authors aim not only to contextualize the field and to frame this special issue, but also to chart new directions for future intellectual and political work.


2001 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharon Nepstad

As social problems become increasingly global, activists are working across state boundaries and forming transnational social movements. However, there is little information that illuminates how groups are able to overcome ethnic, class, ideological and cultural differences that could be obstacles to collaboration. Through an analysis of the story of Salvadoran martyr Archbishop Romero, I demonstrate how this narrative fostered solidarity between the progressive Central American church and U.S. Christians. By symbolically mirroring the social ontology of Christianity and melodramatically presenting the Salvadoran conflict with moral clarity, Romero's life story facilitated the construction of a transnational collective identity and provided a model of action. The moral credibility of the narrators, and the context in which Romero's story was told, influenced many Christians' decision to prioritize this religious identity over their national allegiance.


Author(s):  
Sean L. Malloy

This chapter illustrates how the April 6 action and the ensuing fallout helped to inadvertently launch a new phase in the Black Panther Party's (BPP) internationalism, while also highlighted emerging divisions within the party. As Eldridge Cleaver and his allies embraced guerrilla warfare, Cold War-inspired alliances with foreign governments, and an increasingly doctrinaire Marxism–Leninism, rejected both state-level diplomacy and what David Hilliard dubbed “an orgy of wishful adventuristic militarism” in favor of local community service programs supplemented by informal transnational solidarity networks. Questions over the role of anticolonial violence and the nature of the party's international engagements, however, fed growing intra-party tensions that left the Panthers vulnerable to both government repression and changes in the larger Cold War landscape.


Author(s):  
Paul Routledge ◽  
Andrew Cumbers

2021 ◽  
pp. 141-160
Author(s):  
Ashwini Vasanthakumar

This chapter considers whether exiles can advance valid representative claims and under what conditions. The representative claim is implicit in exiles’ efforts to assist those left behind and to enable transnational solidarity with them. But it is often made explicitly, both by those who have formed themselves into governments-in-exile and those who act less formally. The representative claim is powerful. When valid, it grants exiles authority, placing their political claims and preferences on the same footing as those left behind; it empowers them to negotiate and make settlements; and it obligates third parties to defer to them. This chapter identifies three elements of representation—authorization, acting for, and accountability—and assesses the extent to which exiles can satisfy these elements. It identifies the importance of ‘connecting criteria’ between exiles and their putative constituents in the homeland and the role of third parties in ensuring accountability.


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