Women-of-Color Feminism(s) in the United States

2018 ◽  
pp. 105-132
Author(s):  
Rosemarie Tong ◽  
Tina Fernandes Botts
Author(s):  
Judith Daar

This chapter analyzes the racialization of infertility care in the United States, and seeks to understand why ART stratifies along race and ethnic lines. Researchers and scholars have proposed several theories, including lower income levels and access to insurance in minority populations, social factors that make women of color less likely to seek treatment for infertility, historic factors that give rise to a continuing aura of mistrust in the doctor–patient relationship, and express and implied discrimination by doctors who view minority populations as less deserving of parenthood than white patients. The chapter shows how these new eugenics, like the old eugenics, can persist only so long as political power structures support and advance their agenda.


Author(s):  
Kayla Marie Martensen

Influenced by critical carceral studies and abolition feminism, this non-empirical work identifies a political, social and economic carceral system that is fueled by existing racist, sexist, classist, homophobic, ableist and xenophobic ideologies, which both minimize resources for Latinx/a women and girls and increases the level of state violence perpetrated against them. The consequences of dispossession, subjugation and stigmatization have impacted Latina/x women's access to livable waged jobs, healthcare, safe and healthy food and water, adequate living conditions, quality education, and acceptance in American society. This violence is justified and considered necessary by constructing Latina/x women and girls as unworthy of state protection and state resource and as threats to the economy, culture and politics of the United States. Latina/x women, like other women of color, are not afforded the protections extended to white women by the state. Many Americans do not see them as the “good victim”, but often they are the “bad woman”, “bad mother”, “sexual deviant”, exploited laborer, culturally defiant, and increasingly they are “illegal”, “criminal” and “terrorist”. This results in Latinx/a women and girls being more likely to be imprisoned than white women and are one of the fastest growing prison populations in the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-101
Author(s):  
Leigh Goodmark

The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) is the signature federal legislative accomplishment of the anti-violence movement and has ensured that criminalization is the primary response to intimate partner violence in the United States. But at the time of its passage, some anti-violence activists, particularly women of color, warned that criminalization would be problematic for a number of reasons, a caution that has borne fruit in the 25 years since VAWA’s passage. This article critiques the effectiveness of criminalization as anti-domestic violence policy and imagines what a non-carceral VAWA could look like.


Author(s):  
Madhavi Mallapragada

This concluding chapter revisits the key arguments developed in each of the four chapters and points to key implications of undertaking a study of home in the age of networks. It argues for a reconsideration of the contours of belonging in contemporary contexts of new media and transnationalism through its specific study of Indian immigrant cultures online. It contends that the question of belonging must be applied more thoroughly to the institutional contexts of online media, for not doing so would neglect a very significant alliance between capital and citizenship in the neoliberal, digital age. Furthermore, in the United States, especially since 2001, immigrants, racial and religious minorities, women of color, and the working class have found themselves at the receiving end of the disciplinary practices of neoliberal states and globalization practices. These institutional contexts shape belonging as much as the textual and hypertextual practices that generate categories of exclusion and inclusion in online media.


Author(s):  
Sylvia Chan-Malik

Being U.S. Muslims: A Cultural History of Women of Color and American Islam offers a previously untold story of Islam in the United States that foregrounds the voices, experiences, and images of women of color in the United States from the early twentieth century to the present. Until the late 1960s, the majority of Muslim women in the U.S.—as well as almost all U.S. Muslim women who appeared in the American press or popular culture, were African American. Thus, the book contends that the lives and labors of African American Muslim women have—and continue to—forcefully shaped the meanings and presence of American Islam, and are critical to approaching issues confronting Muslim women in the contemporary U.S. At the heart of U.S. Muslim women’s encounters with Islam, the volume demonstrates, is a desire for gender justice that is rooted in how issues of race and religion have shaped women’s daily lives. Women of color’s ways of “being U.S. Muslims” have been consistently forged against commonsense notions of racial, gendered, and religious belonging and citizenship. From narratives of African American women who engage Islam as a form of social protest, through intersections of “Islam” and “feminism” in the media, and into contemporary expressions of racial and gender justice in U.S. Muslim communities, Being U.S. Muslims demonstrates that it is this continual againstness— which the book names affective insurgency—that is the central hall marks of U.S. Muslim women’s lives.


Author(s):  
Sarita Echavez

Written in the wake of her tenure case at the University of Michigan, Sarita See's essay reflects the various subject positions she has held in the academy from untenured, and therefore vulnerable, assistant professor to a powerful advocate and organizer calling for institutions to closely interrogate what is at stake when faculty of color face tenure battles. Reflecting the challenges of writing about the unwritten record of racism and sexism in the United States academy, this essay documents and juxtaposes two radio segments with the radio collective "Asian Pacific American (APA): A Compass"—a rant and an interview—that See did as part of two national tenure justice campaigns on behalf of women of color academics that she helped organize.


Brown Beauty ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 104-152
Author(s):  
Laila Haidarali

This chapter explores three brown-skin types that arose as a dynamic visual and literary repertoire in Harlem Renaissance print culture. The first image of the “brown Madonna” is studied as one representation at odds with modern gendered identities; the second trope, the “brown-skin mulatta,” is studied as a popular device that conveyed a series of anxious distortions onto the “mixed-race” body. Lastly, the more nuanced and diverse image of modern brown womanhood appears as an uneven eruption of class, race, and national identifiers of African-descended and “other” women of color not born in the United States. All three tropes are interpreted as separate and distinctly powerful manifestations of New Negro womanhood to highlight the differently sexed, classed, and gendered meanings accorded to brown complexions in the modern environment.


Author(s):  
Beth Reingold

Chapter 1 introduces the book’s motivating questions and puzzles about race, gender, and political representation, particularly as they pertain to women of color in the United States. It summarizes and critiques existing research that examines women’s representation with little regard to race/ethnicity or minority representation with little regard to gender and calls for a more intersectional approach. The authors detail what intersectionality as a critical research paradigm entails and how they adapt and apply it to the study of representation in state legislatures. A preview of the remaining chapters follows, outlining the central questions, analyses, and findings of each. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the study’s normative implications for democratic politics and its epistemological implications for the study of race, gender, and political representation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-187
Author(s):  
Riahl O’Malley

At the time of this writing, the richest 1 percent owns nearly 40 percent of private wealth in the United States. The bottom 50 percent owns just 1 percent of that same pie. Meanwhile, the median black family owns just ten cents for every dollar of wealth owned by white families. Women make up three-quarters of the low-wage workforce and 36 percent of low-wage workers are women of color. Thanks to movements like Occupy, Black Lives Matter, #MeToo, and the hard work of movement educators around the country, consciousness around economic, racial, and gender inequality is growing. And yet while more are aware these problems exist, few see the links between them or agree on how we can solve them. Pocket Political Education from United for a Fair Economy supports interactive dialogue that helps working people connect the dots between economic, racial, and gender inequality to inform their strategic action for change. The tool is highly adaptable so that organizers and educators working in diverse contexts can create spaces for consciousness-raising that move people and groups to action.


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