Translation, resistance and national consciousness in the Nigerian postcolony

2021 ◽  
pp. 80-94
Author(s):  
Francis Ajayi
2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 613-620
Author(s):  
Igor N. Tyapin

The author of the article uses the works of L.A. Tikhomirov as the basis when examining the problem of criticism of the conditions of the state and society in monarchic Russia during the last decade of its existence from the part of the conservative figures who not only advocated the necessity to preserve the autocracy but also substantially contributed to the working out of the main principles of Russian social development. In particular, the “creative conservators” managed to accomplish the deep philosophic conceptualization of Russian history while trying to find the previously lost ideal of social organization. Tikhomirov’s relevant concepts of the mutual conditionality of Russian national consciousness underdevelopment and state degradation, as well as of the necessity to realize the model of the moral state of justice on the basis of the national idea, were not accepted by the bureaucratic system that resulted before long in the collapse of Russian monarchic state.


Author(s):  
Anthony Kaldellis

This chapter describes how the timeline of Byzantine historical writing can be divided into three 140-year periods: first, from AD 500–640, the end of late antiquity, when historiography flourished in many genres; second, from 640–780, when Byzantium struggled to resist Arab conquest and few surviving texts were produced; and finally, from 780–920, an age of recovery for the state and literature, when older traditions were resynthesized and the foundations for new developments were laid. Primarily, the society of the Eastern Empire was mostly Greek speaking, Christian, and specifically Roman in its political or national consciousness. The ‘usable past’ available to historians was therefore complex, consisting of incommensurate components that defined different sites of the culture.


1978 ◽  
Vol 83 (4) ◽  
pp. 1128
Author(s):  
R. C. Padden ◽  
Jacques Lafaye ◽  
Benjamin Keen

Belleten ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 76 (276) ◽  
pp. 631-646
Author(s):  
Bülent Özdemi̇r

In the 20th century Assyrians living in Diaspora have increased their search of identity because of the social and political conditions of their present countries. In doing so, they utilize the history by picking up certain events which are still kept fresh in the collective memory of the Assyrian society. World War I, which caused a large segment of the Assyrians to emigrate from the Middle East, has been considered as the milestone event of their history. They preferred to use and evaluate the circumstances during WW I in terms of a genocidal attack of the Ottomans against their nation. This political definition dwarfs the promises which were not kept given by their Western allies during the war for an independent Assyrian state. The aspects of Assyrian civilization existed thousands of years ago as one of the real pillars of their identity suffer from the artificially developed political unification around the aspects of their doom in WWI presented as a genocidal case. Additionally, this plays an efficient role in removal of existing religious and sectarian differences for centuries among Assyrians. This paper aims at showing in the framework of primary sources how Assyrian genocidal claims are being used pragmatically in the formation of national consciousness in a very effective way. Not the Assyrian civilization but their constructed history in WWI is used for the formation of their nation definition.


Author(s):  
Amanda Brickell Bellows

The abolition of Russian serfdom in 1861 and American slavery in 1865 transformed both nations as Russian peasants and African Americans gained new rights as subjects and citizens. During the second half of the long nineteenth century, Americans and Russians responded to these societal transformations through a fascinating array of new cultural productions. Analyzing portrayals of African Americans and Russian serfs in oil paintings, advertisements, fiction, poetry, and ephemera housed in American and Russian archives, Amanda Brickell Bellows argues that these widely circulated depictions shaped collective memory of slavery and serfdom, affected the development of national consciousness, and influenced public opinion as peasants and freedpeople strove to exercise their newfound rights. While acknowledging the core differences between chattel slavery and serfdom, as well as the distinctions between each nation’s post-emancipation era, Bellows highlights striking similarities between representations of slaves and serfs that were produced by elites in both nations as they sought to uphold a patriarchal vision of society. Russian peasants and African American freedpeople countered simplistic, paternalistic, and racist depictions by producing dignified self-representations of their traditions, communities, and accomplishments. This book provides an important reconsideration of post-emancipation assimilation, race, class, and political power.


Author(s):  
Alaigul Karabaevna Bekboeva

This article considers the role of the media as a partner of the state and society, as well as spontaneity. Due to this, media serve as one of the factors in the formation of national self-consciousness and its elements, such as shame. The author analyzes such element of national identity as national shame. It is proved that national shame as a social phenomenon has a social meaning of the regulator of human relationships in social existence. It is noted that national shame is socially determined, has a permanent character, and its socially significant semantic principles are passed from generation to generation as a form of behavior through implantation and interspersing it as a daily norm of people's behavior, giving each act a value-significant meaning.


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