What additional arms control measures related to outer space could be proposed?

Author(s):  
D. Goedhuis
Dark Skies ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 225-260
Author(s):  
Daniel Deudney

A third, often-overlooked, space agenda, the Clarke-Sagan and Whole Earth Security programs, aims to close the gap between the territorial state system and technologies and spaces of planetary scope without world government. It extends into space environmentalist, arms control, and globalist approaches. Its ladder includes superpower arms control, space cooperation and satellites for information, science, and Earth habitability. It supports strengthening the Outer Space Treaty, currently under assault. It fears space debris degrading orbital space. It anticipates viewing Earth from space will help support terrapolitan Whole Earth political identities, supplanting parochial nationalities. Its advocates debate asteroid deflection dilemmas, some fearing intentional bombardment, others proposing international planetary defense consortia. How can the great debate between the Clarke-Sagan and von Braun programs be resolved? Clarke and Sagan, uniquely among prominent space expansionists, prioritized nuclear arms control but also embraced Tsiolkovskian visions, posing the question: Are their criticisms of the von Braun military programs applicable to solar space expansion?


1966 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 354-365 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl W. Deutsch

At the heart of our research was a single basic question: What arms control and disarmament measures might be acceptable to Europeans in 1966, in 1971, and in 1976? And differently put: What would be Europe's attitude in those years either to arms competition or to arms control, and what particular policies would be most popular or least popular in Europe in this respect?This basic question implied four more detailed questions. The first, What is Europe now, in 1966, and where is it going for the 1971 to 1976 period? Is it going to be a Europe of nation-states with only marginal common functional arrangements on matters not central in importance to the concerns of its citizens? Or will it be to some extent substantially integrated, with some major policy decisions made by common institutions? Or will it be a common body politic, speaking with a single voice and developing common institutions for a wide range of decisions?Second, do Europeans in general approve or disapprove of arms control? Do they welcome the relaxation of tensions between America and Russia and between the East and West, or do they fear such relaxation?Third, what specific arms control measures are likely to be most acceptable to Europeans, and which arms control measures are likely to be least acceptable?And fourth, what are the strength, location, and time aspects of political support for specific policies, such as the policies of France and its President de Gaulle vis-à-vis the NATO Alliance and the United States?


1969 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 788-807 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. L. M. Burns

The Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament (ENDC) devoted its major efforts from the endof July 1965 until April 1968 to negotiating the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons, spending little time on other arms control measures in the sessions throughout this period. In May 1968 the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics jointly presented the draft treaty to the First (Political and Security) Committee of the United Nations General Assembly. After lengthy debate and acceptance of several amendments to meet the wishes of nonnuclear states the Treaty reached its final form on May 21, 1968, and was “commended” in General Assembly Resolution 2373 (XXII) of June 12, 1968.


Space Policy ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-152
Author(s):  
Allan M. Din
Keyword(s):  

Asian Survey ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-332 ◽  
Author(s):  
Baohui Zhang

The U.S.-China military space relationship has been driven by the security dilemma in international relations. China pursues military space capabilities in part to counter perceived national security threats posed by the U.S. quest for space dominance and missile defense. However, the current strategic adjustment by the Obama administration and the altered situation at the Taiwan Strait have moderated the bilateral security dilemma, offering an opportunity for arms control in outer space.


2004 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-148
Author(s):  
Charmaine Misalucha

This article argues that the Philippines' small arms control measures have failed. This failure is seen in two ways. First, statements issued by the Philippines in the 2007 United Nations (UN) Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in AI/ Its Aspects and the follow-up 2003 Biennial Meeting of States on the Implementation of the Program of Action of the previous conference are partly inconsistent with the national laws instituted in the country. Another way of looking at the failure of the Philippines in controlling the diffusion of small arms in its territory is through the conflict in Mindanao. The national mechanisms currently in place are insufficient to address this problem because the influx of weapons continues, further intensifying the conflict.


1967 ◽  
Vol 23 (9) ◽  
pp. 24-28
Author(s):  
Walter C. Clemens
Keyword(s):  

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