Institutional Participation and Radical Protest

2021 ◽  
pp. 173-205
Author(s):  
Subrata K. Mitra
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 178-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angeliki Roussou

Even though social justice struggles are often thematized in curatorial practice and discourse, their demands are rarely implemented in art-institutional policies and infrastructure. In investigating the anatomy of this conundrum, politically incisive redefinitions of institutional usership and participation, and analysis of their close relation to (issues of) work, would benefit strategies around diversity in the context of art-institutional participation. The theory of ‘instituent praxis’ and its insistence on inventive and cooperative rule-making can contribute to addressing curatorially absent/unjust regulation and its ensuing ethical/affective gaps in relation to under-represented or non-represented subjectivities or constituencies, such as ethnic minorities and displaced asylum seekers.


Author(s):  
Diana Fu ◽  
Greg Distelhorst

How does China manage political participation? This chapter analyzes changing opportunities for participation in the leadership transition from Hu Jintao to Xi Jinping. Contentious political participation—where individuals and independent organizations engage in protest and other disruptive behavior—has been further curtailed under Xi’s leadership. Yet institutional participation by ordinary citizens through quasi-democratic institutions appears unaffected and is even trending up in certain sectors. Manipulation of the political opportunity structure is likely strategic behavior on the part of authoritarian rulers, as they seek to incorporate or appease the discontented. The political opportunity structure in non-democracies is therefore multifaceted: one channel of participation can close as others expand.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 564-579 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Albada ◽  
Othman Yong ◽  
Soo-Wah Low

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine whether initial public offering (IPO) over-subscription is a function of firm’s prestige signals conveyed by third parties with reputational capital such as underwriter, auditor and independent non-executive board member.Design/methodology/approachThe relationship between prestige signals and over-subscription ratio (OSR) of IPOs is analysed using a cross-sectional regression based on a sample of 393 IPOs issued between January 2000 and December 2015.FindingsThe results indicate that IPOs underwritten by reputable underwriters have lower OSR than those underwritten by non-reputable underwriters. While issuer engages reputable underwriter to certify firm quality to reduce information asymmetry, the action brings with it lower initial returns for its IPO. Investors interpret the signal conveyed by issuer’s choice of underwriter from under-pricing perspective and respond accordingly by reducing IPO demand. This implies that investors regard under-pricing as a more valuable signal than firm quality signal associated with underwriter reputation. The findings also indicate that over-subscription increases in IPOs that have above average initial returns and higher institutional participation. Issuing firms that go public in a period of high IPO volume are associated with low OSR.Originality/valueThis is the first paper to examine the relationship between the prestige signals and OSR of IPOs in the Malaysian context.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 707-739
Author(s):  
Sarah Desai ◽  
Jessica Houston Su ◽  
Robert M. Adelman

The threat of deportation shapes the way that unauthorized immigrants and their families interact with social institutions. For example, the adult children of unauthorized immigrants might avoid institutions that keep formal records (“surveilling” institutions) because such institutions could potentially expose their families to deportation. Using intergenerational data from the Immigration and Intergenerational Mobility in Metropolitan Los Angeles survey, we examine the relationship between immigrant parents’ authorization status and their adult children’s institutional participation ( n = 3,283). Results from Poisson and propensity-weighted regression models suggest that the adult children of unauthorized immigrants were more likely to avoid surveilling institutions, such as formal employment, than those with authorized parents. In contrast, parental immigration status was unrelated to their attachment to non-surveilling institutions, such as community groups or religious organizations. This finding suggests that the adult children of unauthorized immigrants are not systematically disengaged from all institutions but may avoid surveilling institutions in particular due to fear of their family’s deportation. This type of system avoidance may have long-term consequences for their social and economic mobility.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-248
Author(s):  
Anni Jäntti ◽  
Jenni Airaksinen ◽  
Arto Haveri

Creating new government levels through structural reforms also changes the settings of institutional participation. In this article, institutional participation is scrutinized as a question of legitimacy in changing the local government by focusing on the effects of creating regional self-government. To investigate this question, this article utilizes a triangulation of data and methods through statistics, a survey, and interviews. By considering many viewpoints, it is possible to create a general view of the diverse interpretations of the question. The study shows that structural reforms not only change the structures of participation but also require organizational “sponginess” for citizen involvement in order to create a new, legitimate government level.


Contention ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-75
Author(s):  
Matthew Schoene

Institutional distrust has become a pervasive element of global society in general and European society in particular. Concurrently, participation in institutions is also declining, raising concerns about the effectiveness of civil society. Distrust of institutions like the political, education, legal-judicial, and law enforcement systems is linked to declining participation in mainstream political behaviors like voting, but it is unclear how individuals’ trust of and participation in certain institutions affects social movement activity and participation in protest. Here, I use recent European protest movements to better understand the link between institutional distrust, institutional participation, and social protest. Using the 7th wave of the European Social Survey, I construct several multilevel mixed-effects logistic regressions predicting participation in four forms of protest: signing petitions, boycotting products, wearing protest badges, and participating in demonstrations. It turns out that, while institutional distrust is moderately and positively linked to certain forms of protest, those who partake in mainstream political institutions are far more likely to participate in all forms of protest.


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