scholarly journals Society and State in Post-Blockade Qatar: Lessons for the Arab Gulf Region

2021 ◽  
pp. 24-41
Author(s):  
Justin Gengler
Keyword(s):  
Gulf Region ◽  
Arab Gulf

Iraq's alternatives in light of the challenges surrounding the security of the Arabian Gulf: the challenges of security of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz

2020 ◽  
pp. 221
Author(s):  
Amer Hassan Thabit
Keyword(s):  
Arabian Gulf ◽  
Gulf Region ◽  
Regional Conflicts ◽  
Regional Conflict ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Strait Of Hormuz ◽  
Maritime Navigation ◽  
Arab Gulf ◽  
Multiple Challenges ◽  
The Persian Gulf

The Arab Gulf region in particular, and with it the entire Arab region in general, is witnessing multiple challenges and conflicts, escalating, in a way that reflects the presence of overlapping in the dimensions: internal, regional and international, which imposes important effects on Iraq. Iraq is part of the Arab Gulf region, and it interferes with it: historically, geographically, ethnically, and politically. It cannot be overlooked that Iraq was in historical stages that was considered the dominant force in this region, especially in the stage of the civilization’s dominance before the role of Iraq and its place in civilization declines. Today, the region is witnessing multiple challenges, which began with the escalation of regional sectarian political events associated with the event of the occupation of Iraq, with a tendency to disturb the regional balance due to the dismantling of the capabilities of Iraq, and the matter came to the loosening of regional conflicts due to what the region is going through, and the perspective of the active forces in it, which has overcome the perspective The struggle for cooperation. The entry or presence of the international worker in the regional conflicts in the Arab Gulf region caused the intensity of the conflicts to multiply instead of settling them, and Iran has presented on more than one occasion that it has the capabilities to implement the option of closing the Strait of Hormuz or impeding the freedom and safety of maritime navigation in international waters in the Arabian Gulf, And the matter was not related to the US sanctions regime on Iran in the year 2018 and beyond, but it is before it.     The Iranian threat to close the Strait of Hormuz at the very least, or any development in the regional conflict in the region, can damage the interests of Iraq and its security, for two reasons: First, most of Iraq’s trade passes through the waters of the Persian Gulf, and the second is that there is an overlap between Iraq and peoples and countries The region, and just as sectarianism moved from Iraq to the region after 2003, the Gulf conflict and tension can move into Iraq or affect Iraq’s policy. Iraq should search for political alternatives that help it in dealing with the developments of the conflict in the Arab Gulf region. Perhaps this research presents some of the options and alternatives that can help the Iraqi decision-maker, if there is an important development in the Gulf-Western conflict with Iran

scholarly journals The Impact of Sectarian Conflict in Syria on Iran-Gulf Relations

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. 92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saleem A. Salih Al-Dulaimi ◽  
Mohammad Kamal ◽  
Dalal Mahmoud Elsayed
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Open Approach ◽  
Gulf Region ◽  
Gulf Countries ◽  
Proxy War ◽  
Gulf States ◽  
Sectarian Conflict ◽  
Arab Gulf ◽  
Arab Gulf States ◽  
The Impact

Iran-Gulf relations are a confusing maze of complexities and contradictions. Iran’s voracious aspirations have been manifest in more than one act and place. The 1979 Revolution created a pervasive atmosphere of anxiety and fear in the Gulf region of that revolution’s ideological expansion into the Gulf states, especially those countries in which Shiites form important parts of their societies. In the Iran-Iraq war 1980, on the other hand, the Arab Gulf states supported Iraq against Iran as it was a proxy war to protect the Arab Gulf states, and Saddam Hussein, nevertheless, ended up occupying Kuwait in 1990. And then the Iranian-Gulf relations took a new turn at the time of both presidents Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mohammad Khatami, who adopted an open approach to the Gulf countries. However, those relations worsened when Ahmadinejad came to power as he started to export the revolutionary thought to the Gulf countries and extended the Iranian influence to Iraq after 2003, to Syria in the aftermath of the revolution that erupted in Syria in 2011 and to the Gulf Cooperation Council states, especially in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Bahrain. All this comes at the expense of the Gulf states, particularly Saudi Arabia, which is keen to maintain its influential role in the face of Iranian encroachment in Syria, through the support of the Syrian revolution, which seeks to overthrow Iran's ally in Damascus, Bashar al-Assad. Therefore, this study is trying to find an answer to this question: how has sectarian conflict in Syria impacted the Iranian-Gulf relations?

scholarly journals ‘Globalizing the Local, Localizing the Global’: Writing Space in the Arab Gulf Region

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
El Mehdi Ait Oukhzame
Keyword(s):  
Lived Experience ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Social Space ◽  
Gulf Region ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The World ◽  
Gulf States ◽  
Arab Gulf ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Global Writing

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar are taking the lead in the urbanization boom that is drastically transforming the spatial fabric of the Arab Gulf region. Embedded in the ambitious urban development projects launched by the UAE and Qatar is an endeavour to ‘bring the world to the Arab Gulf region’. To this end, these two states are engaged in a process of collecting and borrowing antique objects and canonized artefacts, as well as reproducing and duplicating some internationally celebrated architectural sites and spaces. While some consider these projects to be ‘part of strategies to prepare for the post-oil era’, others hold that ‘Arab Gulf States aim to strengthen or … creatively (re)construct identitarian patterns’.1 It can be argued that Arab Gulf cities should be looked at as ‘political actors’ due to ‘the functions they fulfill as spatial command posts for globalized capitalism’.2 The production and organization of social space, in this sense, cannot be seen as a ‘dead’ or passive category with no influence over various dimensions of lived experience, including thought, politics and economy. Juxtaposing the UAE’s and Qatar’s urbanization projects with the nineteenth-century phenomenon of world exhibitions and fairs, this article takes the Louvre Abu Dhabi and Villaggio Mall as case studies to investigate the modalities of knowledge generated through processes of cultural and spatial (re)production and the impact of the latter on the construction of personhood and lived experience in the Arab Gulf region.

scholarly journals Measuring Parental Involvement in Dual-Earner Qatari Families

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noora Lari ◽  
Noor Al-Emadi
Keyword(s):  
Gender Differences ◽  
Parental Involvement ◽  
Experimental Investigations ◽  
Gulf Region ◽  
Welfare Policies ◽  
Raising Children ◽  
Dual Earner ◽  
Gulf States ◽  
Arab Gulf ◽  
Arab Gulf States

AbstractParental involvement in dual-earner families is a subject that has been widely studied in the literature in Western contexts. Less attention, however, has been allocated to the challenges that dual-earner families encounter in raising children in Arab Gulf states. This paper study aims to address the following questions: To what extent are dual-earner families involved in their children’s lives? What are the gender differences in parental involvement? This paper employed the 2017 survey data of working Qatari males and females to measure their parental involvement and engagement in family time and childcare. The results highlighted parental factors, work characteristics and social supports as key factors determining the degree of parental involvement. The results also showed the gender differences in parental involvement scores, which comprise several factors, including work demands and time spent with children. Taken together, our findings provide insights allowing suggestions for mechanisms that could generate foundational parental welfare policies for dual-earner families in Qatar and the wider Arab Gulf Region as a whole. Further contributions to this research domain could include studies encompassing a wider scope of geographical locations within the Arab Gulf states using robust experimental investigations.

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