Saddam Husain's Political Thinking: The Comparison with Nasser

Iraq ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 62-73
Author(s):  
Peter Mansfield
Keyword(s):  
2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (supplement) ◽  
pp. 46-63
Author(s):  
Vidar Thorsteinsson

The paper explores the relation of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri's work to that of Deleuze and Guattari. The main focus is on Hardt and Negri's concept of ‘the common’ as developed in their most recent book Commonwealth. It is argued that the common can complement what Nicholas Thoburn terms the ‘minor’ characteristics of Deleuze's political thinking while also surpassing certain limitations posed by Hardt and Negri's own previous emphasis on ‘autonomy-in-production’. With reference to Marx's notion of real subsumption and early workerism's social-factory thesis, the discussion circles around showing how a distinction between capital and the common can provide a basis for what Alberto Toscano calls ‘antagonistic separation’ from capital in a more effective way than can the classical capital–labour distinction. To this end, it is demonstrated how the common might benefit from being understood in light of Deleuze and Guattari's conceptual apparatus, with reference primarily to the ‘body without organs’ of Anti-Oedipus. It is argued that the common as body without organs, now understood as constituting its own ‘social production’ separate from the BwO of capital, can provide a new basis for antagonistic separation from capital. Of fundamental importance is how the common potentially invents a novel regime of qualitative valorisation, distinct from capital's limitation to quantity and scarcity.


Citizens are political simpletons—that is only a modest exaggeration of a common characterization of voters. Certainly, there is no shortage of evidence of citizens' limited political knowledge, even about matters of the highest importance, along with inconsistencies in their thinking, some glaring by any standard. But this picture of citizens all too often approaches caricature. This book brings together leading political scientists who offer new insights into the political thinking of the public, the causes of party polarization, the motivations for political participation, and the paradoxical relationship between turnout and democratic representation. These studies propel a foundational argument about democracy. Voters can only do as well as the alternatives on offer. These alternatives are constrained by third players, in particular activists, interest groups, and financial contributors. The result: voters often appear to be shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent because the alternatives they must choose between are shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (6) ◽  
pp. 1827-1833
Author(s):  
Blagica Kotovchevska ◽  
Blagoj Conev

Critical geopolitics examines geopolitical practices in order to understand geographical and political thinking and how the global policy practices are affected. It examines the geopolitical tradition, referring to the historical and geographical context of ideas about geography and politics. In a wider sense, it aims to critically examine everything related to geography and politics. It gives us an idea how the practice of world politics is implemented through different geopolitical arrangements and how our worldview is based on these premises. The analyzes presented through the research of critical geopolitics aimed to create a complex and accurate geopolitical picture, that is, a geopolitical mirror in the function of an essential deconstruction of the geopolitical discourses that create stereotypes for the actors involved in a certain conflict, for the states and the regions where the conflict takes place, that is, a creation of afalse geopolitical picture or a geopolitical mosaic.


Author(s):  
Michael P. DeJonge

With this chapter, the book transitions from a presentation of Bonhoeffer’s political thinking to an account of his resistance thinking in action. This chapter also begins the presentation of the first of the three phases of resistance, which lasts from 1932 until 1935. The chapter focuses on “The Church and the Jewish Question” (1933), the central text of this first phase, identifying in it the first two of Bonhoeffer’s six types of resistance: individual and humanitarian resistance to state injustice (type 1) and the church’s resistance through diaconal service to the victims of state injustice (type 2). These set the stage for Chapters 6–8’s considerations of resistance through the church’s preaching office, which is the central agent of resistance in the first phase.


1998 ◽  
Vol 37 (8) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Peter Matthews

Protection of the water environment has become a modern socio economic issue in which the sociological pressures for a healthy water environment must be balanced with affordability. Reconciliation of these aspects requires clear political thinking and rigorous methodologies. It also requires a shift in mind-set which considers members of the public as customers. Water utilities are the major users of the water environment and potentially its greatest threat – so good delivery of water services is very important. The presentation addresses the topic through the experience of Anglian Water, a privatised water utility serving Eastern England.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001458582098651
Author(s):  
Giulia Po DeLisle

Clara Sereni’s writing journey began in 1974 with Sigma Epsilon and went on to flourish through the years with the publication of numerous inspiring and thought-provoking literary works. Many of her autobiographical and fictional texts delve into the years between 1968 and 1977, a crucial decade that changed Italy and forever impacted the author’s life and political thinking. In Via Ripetta 155, Sereni found a renewed desire to bear witness to those politically revolutionary times by revisiting the experiences of her private self and her interaction with the public realm. This study engages with the analysis of this last piece of the complex puzzle that encompasses the written story of her life, and argues that the text represents a final self-empowering act in which the apartment of Via Ripetta becomes the stage for a dialectical discourse between personal achievements and socio-political changes, personal conflicts and public turmoil.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Lucas Knotter

Abstract Declarations of independence continue to be commonplace in international affairs, yet their efficacy as means towards statehood remains disputed in traditional international legal and political thinking and conduct. Consequently, recent scholarship on state recognition and emerging statehood suggests that the international persistence of such declarations should be understood in the context of broader international processes, narratives, and assemblages of state creation. Such suggestions, however, risk reifying declarations’ effectiveness more in relation to international structure(s) than to independence movement's own agency. This article, therefore, calls for a reframing of declarations of independence as a ritual in international relations. It argues that participating in the international ritual of independence declaration forms an attempt to ‘fuse’ the movement's political practice with international recognition, serves to express an internal belief in ‘redemption’ through the ‘ascension’ into the ‘celestial’ existence of recognised statehood, and offers an opportunity to internally bolster political community through political performance. Ritual theory, thus, uncovers how the global persistence of independence declarations cannot be explained merely through discrete oppositions of non-recognition versus recognition, belief versus reality, and/or non-state versus state community, and instead opens up new space for understanding the contradictions characterising the international political (in)significance and persistence of statehood declarations.


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