Joop den Uyl, the emergence of the European Council and the expanding role of the prime minister in Dutch foreign policy, 1973–1977

Author(s):  
Jan-Willem Brouwer
2020 ◽  
pp. 74-86
Author(s):  
Alexandra Arkhangelskaya

The history of the formation of South Africa as a single state is closely intertwined with events of international scale, which have accordingly influenced the definition and development of the main characteristics of the foreign policy of the emerging state. The Anglo-Boer wars and a number of other political and economic events led to the creation of the Union of South Africa under the protectorate of the British Empire in 1910. The political and economic evolution of the Union of South Africa has some specific features arising from specific historical conditions. The colonization of South Africa took place primarily due to the relocation of Dutch and English people who were mainly engaged in business activities (trade, mining, agriculture, etc.). Connected by many economic and financial threads with the elite of the countries from which the settlers left, the local elite began to develop production in the region at an accelerated pace. South Africa’s favorable climate and natural resources have made it a hub for foreign and local capital throughout the African continent. The geostrategic position is of particular importance for foreign policy in South Africa, which in many ways predetermined a great interest and was one of the fundamental factors of international involvement in the development of the region. The role of Jan Smuts, who served as Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa from 1919 to 1924 and from 1939 to 1948, was particularly prominent in the implementation of the foreign and domestic policy of the Union of South Africa in the focus period of this study. The main purpose of this article is to study the process of forming the mechanisms of the foreign policy of the Union of South Africa and the development of its diplomatic network in the period from 1910 to 1948.


2011 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 1403-1422
Author(s):  
CAROLYN J. KITCHING

AbstractThe career and reputation of James Ramsay MacDonald are generally influenced by his actions in 1931, and yet, as Donald Cameron Watt has stated, it is ‘not really possible to blackguard him for 1931 without having to cast aspersions on his extraordinary achievements earlier on’. This article examines some of these ‘extraordinary’ achievements by considering the role of MacDonald himself in the formation and leading of the 1924 minority Labour Government. It considers the difficulty he experienced in creating a Cabinet from colleagues whom he generally considered to be unsuitable and incapable, and which led him to become both Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary. He faced criticism from many in his party for his failure to implement a measure of socialist reforms, yet given the nature of the domestic problems with which his government was faced, and the tenuous nature of this government, held in place, as it was, by a fractured Liberal Party, this ‘failure’ is scarcely surprising. However, this article maintains that in foreign policy, and in his powerful joint role, MacDonald's reputation in 1924 really can be described as outstanding.


2018 ◽  
pp. 210-226
Author(s):  
Olha Nahnybida

The article describes the specific aspects of the appearance, formation and evolution of the Irish neutrality as a foreign policy principle in the 1930s. The historical and geopolitical background of the formation of neutrality policy in the context of the struggle for independence and sovereignty of Ireland has been investigated. The role of Prime Minister Éamon de Valera as an ‘architect’ of neutrality policy of the Irish Free State and its foreign policy concept has been explored. It is emphasized that, unlike other neutral states, where the neutral status is legally secured, the neutrality of Ireland is of a traditional nature, since there are no clear legislative instructions according to which Ireland shall be obliged to adhere to the principle of neutrality in its foreign policy. The overcoming of the last obstacles to the proclamation of the neutral status of Ireland has been outlined, i.a. the elimination of the British naval presence in the Irish ports in 1938 and adoption of the Irish Constitution in 1937, which officially defined the annexation of Ulster. Finally, the influence of forthcoming WW2 has been explored. In the years of war, Ireland hoped to keep abstained not by adherence to some theoretical or abstract idea of neutrality, but by addressing to the practical question that the Irish government didn’t want to get involved in this conflict. They merely wanted to keep their people safe away from such consequences as they might appear when Ireland was directly involved in the war.


Author(s):  
Nigar Tahir qizi Sultanova

The European Council represents the supreme level of political cooperation between the EU member-states. Diverse questions pertaining to international politics are discusses on the various levels: summits (in 2019 EU – League of Arab States summit, EU –China summit, EU – Ukraine summit in Kyiv, EU – Canada summit in Montreal, G7 summit); conferences and informal meetings; council boards on foreign affairs; joint conferences; association councils, etc. A new strategic agenda 2019-2024 adopted by the European Council determines he priority areas that guide the work of the European Special Councils and other EU institutions. Transatlantic relations, crises in Syria, Ukraine and other parts of the world, relations with Russia, Iran nuclear deal, and other question remain on the agenda of the European Council. The article explores the legal framework of the actions of European Council in the area of foreign policy. The overview of foreign policy agenda of the European Council allows analyzing the role of the European Union on the international arena.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teoman Ertuğrul Tulun

In our recent AVIM analysis titled "Why Should the Role of the Peace Implementation Council and OHR Continue in Bosnia And Herzegovina?", we asserted the view that the continuation of the powers of the Peace Implementation Council (PIC), including the Bonn Powers, is essential for the preservation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) within the framework of its constitution.Before the ink of our analysis dries up, we came across an irritating press report claiming that Slovenian Prime Minister Janez Jansa has sent a document to Charles Michel, President of the European Council, proposing the redrawing BiH's borders. The EU has not denied the existence of the report to date. However, the US has rejected this Slovenia-linked plan to break up Bosnia-Herzegovina. It is worrisome that such a malicious plan has been prepared and studied in the EU. It is also alarming that the name of a NATO member country that will assume the EU presidency is associated with this plan.There is no doubt that Turkey will continue to defend in every platform, including the PIC Steering Board, the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Bosnia-Herzegovina.It is believed that it would be useful that Turkey opens this issue up in the PIC Steering Board meetings and ask for clarification from the EU representatives.


Author(s):  
Jayme R. Schlesinger ◽  
Jack S. Levy

Abstract Audience costs theory posits that domestic audiences punish political leaders who make foreign threats but fail to follow through, and that anticipation of audience costs gives more accountable leaders greater leverage in crisis bargaining. We argue, contrary to the theory, that leaders are often unaware of audience costs and their impact on crisis bargaining. We emphasise the role of domestic opposition in undermining a foreign threat, note that opposition can emerge from policy disagreements within the governing party as well as from partisan oppositions, and argue that the resulting costs differ from audience costs. We argue that a leader's experience of audience costs can trigger learning about audience costs dynamics and alter future behaviour. We demonstrate the plausibility of these arguments through a case study of the 1863–4 Schleswig-Holstein crisis. Prime Minister Palmerston's threat against German intervention in the Danish dispute triggered a major domestic debate, which undercut the credibility of the British threat and contributed to both the failure of deterrence and to subsequent British inaction. Parliament formally censured Palmerston, contributing to a learning-driven reorientation in British foreign policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (II) ◽  
pp. 21-30
Author(s):  
Fozia BiBi ◽  
Abida Yousaf

The foreign policy process involves many internal and external factors. This paper is mainly focusing on some important domestic factors in the formulation of Foreign Policy of Pakistan. Due to Parliamentary form of government, Prime Minister plays a significant role at home and abroad. However, due to the complexity of the foreign policy formulation it also involves President, Foreign Minister, and Parliament along with Prime Minister. However, the role of public opinion and media is also important in this regard. Moreover, foreign policy decisions are also influenced and affected by the responses of public and media. Islamic Republic of Pakistan is an ideological State and ideology also plays a key role in the formulation of the foreign policy. The Islamic ideology provides the foundations of foreign policy of Pakistan since independence.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 316-321
Author(s):  
Boris I. Ananyev ◽  
Daniil A. Parenkov

The aim of the article is to show the role of parliament in the foreign policy within the framework of the conservative school of thought. The authors examine both Russian and Western traditions of conservatism and come to the conclusion that the essential idea of “the rule of the best” has turned to be one of the basic elements of the modern legislative body per se. What’s more, parliament, according to the conservative approach, tends to be the institution that represents the real spirit of the nation and national interests. Therefore the interaction of parliaments on the international arena appears to be the form of the organic communication between nations. Parliamentary diplomacy today is the tool that has the potential to address to the number of issues that are difficult to deal with within the framework of the traditional forms of IR: international security, challenges posed by new technologies, international sanctions and other.


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