Sidney L. Harring and Lorraine M. McMullin (1975), 'The Buffalo Police, 1872-1900: Labor Unrest, Political Power and the Creation of the Police Institution', Crime and Social Justice, 4, pp. 5-14.

2017 ◽  
pp. 457-466
2009 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lidija Novakovic

One of the effects of economic globalisation is that it strengthens the superiority of the developed and intensifies the dependency of the undeveloped nations. Christian ethicists typically address this problem by emphasising the need for social justice and the ethics of love expressed through sharing and generosity. This article offers another contribution to this discussion – an analysis of the subversive understanding of power and identity that underlies the story of Jesus in Matthew’s narrative. It concludes that Matthew’s Gospel offers a message of encouragement and accountability. It encourages the underprivileged to work for a change of conventional hierarchies that favour the privileged and calls them to actively participate in the creation of just relationships. At the same time, it reminds those who manage to improve their conditions that they should be transformed by the grace shown to them and strive for righteousness that exceeds the ethical standards of their former superiors.


2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 390
Author(s):  
Yohanes Suhardin

AbstrakThe role of the state in combating poverty is very strategic. Combatingpoverty means to free citizens who are poor. The strategic role given thenational ideals (read: state) is the creation of public welfare. Therefore,countries in this regard the government as the organizer of the state musthold fast to the national ideals through legal product that is loaded withsocial justice values in order to realize common prosperity. Therefore, thenature of the law is justice, then in the context of the state, the lawestablished for the creation of social justice. Law believed that social justiceas the path to the public welfare so that the Indonesian people in a relativelyshort time to eradicate poverty.


1995 ◽  
Vol 34 (4II) ◽  
pp. 619-626 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Titus

Because of its potential to disrupt economic development, it is necessary to understand the dynamics of ethnic conflict in the contemporary world. A prevalent trend in the study of ethnicity is to focus on the creation and/or maintenance of ethnic identities and mobilisation on the basis of those identities as groups compete for resources, opportunities, or political power in the context of the nation-state [Barth (1969); Brass (1985); Comaroff (1987); Mumtaz (1990)]. In this approach, an ethnic group's distinguishing markers-language, custom, dress, etc.-are treated less as manifestations of tradition which define or create the group and more as arenas of negotiation and contestation in which people strive to realise their practical and symbolic interests. This happens as individuals or families, pursuing their livelihoods with the skills and resources available to them, find (or create) opportunities or obstacles which appear to be based on' ethnic criteria. The state can intensify this process as it uses positive or negative discrimination in order to achieve some desired distribution of wealth and opportunity. In turn, political leadership becomes a key in realising the experience of shared ethnic interests. Leadership develops as a kind of dual legitimation process, i.e., as individuals or organisations seek to be accepted as spokesmen both by members of the group itself and by outsiders.


Philosophy ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-91
Author(s):  
Martin O'Neill

AbstractThe idea of predistribution has the potential to offer a valuable and distinctive approach to political philosophers, political scientists, and economists, in thinking about social justice and the creation of more egalitarian economies. It is also an idea that has drawn the interest of politicians of the left and centre-left, promising an alternative to traditional forms of social democracy. But the idea of predistribution is not well understood, and stands in need of elucidation. This article explores ways of drawing the conceptual and normative distinction between predistribution and redistribution, examining those general categories when considering the roles of public services and fiscal transfers, and looking at the ways in which government policies can empower and disempower different individuals and groups within the economy. This article argues that the most initially plausible and common-sensical ways of drawing the distinction between predistributive and redistributive public policies collapse when put under analytical pressure. It concludes that the distinction between predistribution and redistribution is best seen in terms of the aims or effects of policies rather than a deeper division of policy types, and argues that, once seen in those terms, predistribution is a central concern of social justice.


Author(s):  
Nathan T. Elkins

Nerva ruled from September AD 96 to January 98. His short reign provided little public building and monumental art, and study of Nerva has been the province of the historian, who often relies on textual sources written after his death. History has judged Nerva as an emperor who lacked the respect of the Praetorians and armed forces, and who was vulnerable to coercion. The most complete record of state-sanctioned art from Nerva’s reign is his imperial coinage, frequently studied with historical hindsight and thus characterized as “hopeful,” “apologetic,” or otherwise relating the anxiety of the period. But art operated independently of later and biased historical texts, always presenting the living emperor in a positive light. This book reexamines Nerva’s imperial coinage in positivistic terms and relates imagery to contemporary poetry and panegyric, which praised the emperor. While the audiences at which images were directed included the emperor, attention to hoards and finds also indicates what visual messages were most important in Nerva’s reign and at what other groups in the Roman Empire they were directed. The relationship between the imagery and the rhetoric used by Frontinus, Martial, Tacitus, and Pliny to characterize Nerva and his reign allows reinvestigation of debate about the agency behind the creation of images on imperial coinage. Those in charge of the mint were close to the emperor’s inner circle and thus walked alongside prominent senatorial politicians and equestrians who wrote praise directed at the emperor; those men were in a position to visualize that praise.


1973 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 191-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan deVries

The political and economic institutions of the Dutch Republic puzzle the historian. Closely juxtaposed are elements suggesting a tantalizing precociousness and elements which hearken to the medieval past. The Republic was the creation of a revolution; it can be identified as the first European state to throw off a monarchical regime and bring a bourgeois social class to full political power. On the other hand, the foremost motive behind this rebellion was the resistance of medieval, municipal particularism to governmental centralization—to modernization, if you will.


1999 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Good

The rise of wealth and power within the cattle-owning economy of Botswana has been accompanied by the creation of poverty and weakness. The impoverishment of the San and ‘destitutes’ was a structured, comprehensive, and long-term process, caused less by phenomena such as periodic drought than by an elite of economic and political power, and the exploitation which they practised. The growth economy of recent decades has not ameliorated the situation, but has strengthened the wealthy while neglecting or worsening the plight of the San. The state possesses the financial resources and developmental capacities to alleviate poverty, but its controllers continue to prioritise other matters.


Author(s):  
Joanna Martin

This essay demonstrates the importance of the little-known poet William Lauder to the literary culture of mid-sixteenth-century Scotland and compares his work to that of his contemporaries, David Lyndsay and Richard Maitland. It argues that Lauder’s mirror for princes, Ane Compendious and breve Tractate, Concernyng þe Office and dewtie of Kyngis, printed in 1556, combines elements of the Older Scots advisory tradition with Protestant reformist thinking. The essay compares this political ‘tractate’ to Lauder’s post-Reformation devotional poetry, which is less confident in secular authority but nevertheless adopts the interest in advice giving and adapts it to the spiritual lives of Lauder’s readers. These poems demand high standards of moral and ethical reform from their readers, and the audience’s wider engagement with scriptural texts. In encouraging reading, self-reform, and self-understanding, the poems in turn urge their audience to strive for social justice and order in the creation of a godly society.


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