scholarly journals Traktat wersalski – perspektywa cywilizacji pokoju

Author(s):  
Anna Raźny

The Treaty of Versailles - the Vision of the Civilization of Peace The Treaty of Versailles, the details of which were ironed out at the Paris Peace Conference, officially brought to an end World War I. The Conference represented the first international debate on the problem of peace. Twenty-seven victorious nations participated. The defeated states of Germany, Austria, Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria were not allowed to take part in the deliberations – their only role was to sign separate versions of the treaty put before them. Bolshevik Russia was also not invited to the peace conference. On March 3, 1918, the latter signed its own peace accord in Brest with Germany and Austria, Hungary and their allies - Bulgaria and Turkey - thus violating its commitments to the Entente. This was because attendance at the peace conference depended not only on the attitude of the participants to the warring central states, but also on the moral norms recognized as binding in achieving peace. The Treaty was a testament not only to the expectations of its signatories towards their defeated opponents, but also to their intellectual and ethical aspirations with regard to attaining peaceful coexistence. It established many new borders on the map of Europe and introduced a new order on the continent, one that was not only political in form, but also cultural and civilizational. Its foundations were to be built on the values of peace and justice. Therefore, there are grounds for describing the new order created on their basis as the civilization of peace. Wypracowany na paryskiej konferencji pokojowej traktat wersalski zakończył oficjalnie I wojnę światową. Konferencja ta pierwszą międzynarodową debatą poświęconą problemom pokoju. Uczestniczyło w niej 27 zwycięskich państw oraz z nimi sprzymierzonych i stowarzyszonych. Pokonane Niemcy oraz Austria i Węgry, Turcja i Bułgaria nie zostały dopuszczone do obrad - przedstawiono im jedynie do podpisu oddzielne wersje traktatu. Na konferencję pokojową nie zaproszono również bolszewickiej Rosji, która 3 marca 1918 roku podpisała w Brześciu traktat pokojowy z Niemcami i Austrią, Węgrami oraz ich sprzymierzeńcami - Bułgarią i Turcją – łamiąc tym samym porozumienia sojusznicze Ententy. Uczestnictwo w konferencji pokojowej uwarunkowane było bowiem nie tylko stosunkiem do prowadzących wojnę państw centralnych, ale również do norm moralnych, uznanych za obowiązujące w osiąganiu pokoju. Traktat był świadectwem nie tylko oczekiwań jego sygnatariuszy wobec pokonanych przeciwników, ale również ich aspiracji intelektualnych i etycznych, ukierunkowanych na pokojowe współistnienie. Ustanowił wiele nowych granic międzypaństwowych na mapie Europy oraz zaprowadził w jej przestrzeni nowy ład, nie tylko polityczny, ale również kulturowo-cywilizacyjny. .Jego fundament stanowić miały wartości pokoju i sprawiedliwości. Istnieją zatem podstawy, aby tworzony na ich gruncie ład nazwać cywilizacją pokoju.

Author(s):  
Rebecca Ferreboeuf

The Treaty of Versailles was one of the peace treaties signed on June 28, 1919, in the Palace of Versailles, by Germany and the Allied Powers at the end of World War I. It was signed exactly five years after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand (1863–1914), which was the event that had triggered the war. The signing of the treaty followed six months of negotiations at the Paris Peace Conference, which had opened on January 18, 1919. It also led to the creation of two major international organizations: the League of Nations (1919–1946) and the International Labour Organization (ILO).


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yiran Jiang

The establishment of the Versailles System was marked with the Paris Peace Conference, which aimed to settle peace for World War I. The peace settlement was an excuse for the allied countries to regain and recover their powers. This, in turn, called for large amount of reparations and punishments on the losing countries. The signing of the Treaty of Versailles heralded the collapse of the volatile system set up afterwards. Countries adopted the policies of appeasement, complied to the race of powers, and abandoned the so-called consensus on “peace”. Indeed, the collapse of the Versailles System had many causes. However, the rise of Nazi was its direct trigger. This article will mainly focus on how the Versailles System led to the rise of the Nazi and what the Nazi did to accelerate the fall of the system.


Author(s):  
Leonard V. Smith

We have long known that the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 “failed” in the sense that it did not prevent the outbreak of World War II. This book investigates not whether the conference succeeded or failed, but the historically specific international system it created. It explores the rules under which that system operated, and the kinds of states and empires that inhabited it. Deepening the dialogue between history and international relations theory makes it possible to think about sovereignty at the conference in new ways. Sovereignty in 1919 was about remaking “the world”—not just determining of answers demarcating the international system, but also the questions. Most histories of the Paris Peace Conference stop with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles with Germany on June 28, 1919. This book considers all five treaties produced by the conference as well as the Treaty of Lausanne with Turkey in 1923. It is organized not chronologically or geographically, but according to specific problems of sovereignty. A peace based on “justice” produced a criminalized Great Power in Germany, and a template problematically applied in the other treaties. The conference as sovereign sought to “unmix” lands and peoples in the defeated multinational empires by drawing boundaries and defining ethnicities. It sought less to oppose revolution than to instrumentalize it. The League of Nations, so often taken as the supreme symbol of the conference’s failure, is better considered as a continuation of the laboratory of sovereignty established in Paris.


2020 ◽  
pp. 132-163
Author(s):  
Kyle M. Lascurettes

How do we account for the vision of international order the American delegation pursued at the Paris Peace Conference after World War I, manifested most concretely in the Covenant of the League of Nations that was written by avowed liberal internationalist Woodrow Wilson? The dominant inclusive narrative of order construction in 1919 emphasizes America’s liberal institutions at home coupled with its president’s progressive ideals and sense of ideological mission in world affairs. By contrast, chapter 6 (“The Wilsonian Order Project”) argues that the new ideological threat posed by radical socialism after the Bolshevik Revolution in late 1917 actually played the most critical role in shaping the order preferences of Wilson and his principal advisers both before and during the Paris Peace Conference.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-95
Author(s):  
Nils Roemer

The article traces Central European Jewish visitors of Paris during the Weimar Republic and the 1930s and analyzes the shifting meaning of travel, exile, and the figure of the flaneur. Their travelogues articulated their affection for Paris in the aftermath of World War I and the Treaty of Versailles, marking them as border crossers in multiple ways. Writing about modern capitals such as Paris became a way to temporarily belong to them, to reimagine modernity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 72-80
Author(s):  
Елена Евгеньевна Ходченко

The article raises the problems of the Mennonite community's reflection on the reforms in Russian Empire as well as the modernization of social, political and economic environment in 1861–1914, during the First World War, the recurring power changes and political anarchy in Ukraine during the Civil War. The author examines the Mennonites' attempts to adjust the changes in reality, the cause-and-effect relationships of arising social crisis which ultimately led to the destruction of the ethnoreligious community's canonical foundations. The research bases on the testimonies of the eyewitnesses (given in their diaries), memoirs and other published materials. The author examines the gradual deviation processes among the Mennonite society that were transforming the fundamental statements of the congregations’ doctrine and their moral norms and traditions. It is analyzed whether the Russian-Ukrainian Mennonites remained an ethno-religious conglomerate or lost their inherent values. As a result it has been proved the following: the Mennonites in Russia in a short period from the beginning of the reforms of the 1860s – 1870s to the beginning of the 20th century, went from a close-knit religious community to an opened and spiritually weakened unification. During the period of “challenges and reactions” of the First World War and the Civil War, the leaders of the community were unable to maintain the unity and cohesion, a complex of moral and ethical markers, pacifist views, social institutions, which led to a deformation of values and disorientation in further actions. Only a small part of the Mennonites society was able to organize itself and, thanks to the support of the Canadian Mennonites communities, it emigrated in 1923–1926 and thus avoided the Bolshevik regime repressions. Key words: the Mennonites, World War I, Civil War, Makhno, identity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 510-528
Author(s):  
Ned Richardson-Little

The Treaty of Versailles aimed to strip Germany of both its colonial empire and the global reach of its arms industry. Yet the conflicts in warlord-era China led to the reestablishment of German influence on the other side of the world via the arms trade. Weimar Germany had declared a policy of neutrality and refused to take sides in the Chinese civil war in an effort to demonstrate that as a post-colonial power, it could now act as an honest broker. From below, however, traffickers based in Germany and German merchants in China worked to evade Versailles restrictions and an international arms embargo to supply warlords with weapons of war. Although the German state officially aimed to remain neutral, criminal elements, rogue diplomats, black marketeers and eventually military adventurers re-established German influence in the region by becoming key advisors and suppliers to the victorious Guomindang. Illicit actors in Germany and China proved to be crucial in linking the two countries and in eventually overturning the arms control regimes that were imposed in the wake of World War I.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-101
Author(s):  
Michael Patrick Cullinane

As Woodrow Wilson traveled across the Atlantic to negotiate the peace after World War I, Theodore Roosevelt died in Long Island. His passing launched a wave of commemoration in the United States that did not go unrivaled in Europe. Favorable tributes inundated the European press and coursed through the rhetoric of political speeches. This article examines the sentiment of Allied nations toward Roosevelt and argues that his posthumous image came to symbolize American intervention in the war and, subsequently, the reservations with the Treaty of Versailles, both endearing positions to the Allies that fueled tributes. Historians have long depicted Woodrow Wilson's arrival in Europe as the most celebrated reception of an American visitor, but Roosevelt's death and memory shared equal pomp in 1919 and endured long after Wilson departed. Observing this epochal moment in world history from the unique perspective of Roosevelt's passing extends the already intricate view of transnational relations.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Kurza

How Poles Radicalised Belarusians: On the Mechanism of CoercionThe great reconstruction of Central-Eastern Europe after World War I mainly consisted in building national states in place of multinational empires, but it also involved social transformations. The changes carried out in highly ethnically diverse and socially polarised area of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth were selective and contributed to the contentious actions of the indigenous people. Their radicalism was often a response to a new order, created as an attempt to reproduce the feudal system in the realities of the national state. In this article I show the path of radicalisation in repressive settings, which Belarusians followed in an unequal struggle for their rights. I attempt to explain their radicalism by geocultural factors, which I regard as causal mechanisms, repeated in different historical contexts. I identify two such mechanisms, of coercion and of blocking change, and present how radicalism was generated by the operation of this binary sequence. O tym, jak Polacy radykalizowali Białorusinów i o mechanizmie przymusuWielka przebudowa Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej po pierwszej wojnie światowej polegała w dużej mierze na budowaniu państw narodowych w miejsce wielonarodowych imperiów; aczkolwiek obejmowała także przekształcenia społeczne. Wybiórczość zmian przeprowadzanych na silnie zróżnicowanych etnicznie, a przy tym spolaryzowanych społecznie, obszarach byłej Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów przyczyniała się do wystąpień miejscowej ludności. Ich radykalizm był często odpowiedzią na nowy ład, będący próbą reprodukcji feudalnego porządku w realiach państwa narodowego. W artykule odtwarzam trajektorię radykalizacji, jaką przeszli w nierównej walce o swoje prawa Białorusini. Próbuję wyjaśnić radykalizm społeczności białoruskiej poprzez uwarunkowania geokulturowe, które traktuję jako mechanizmy przyczynowe, powtarzające się w różnych kontekstach historycznych. Identyfikuję dwa takie mechanizmy: przymusu i blokowania zmiany. Prezentuję, w jaki sposób radykalizm warunkowany był działaniem tej binarnej sekwencji.


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