scholarly journals Skrawek Świętej Rusi w Europie powersalskiej. Ruś Podkarpacka: tradycja i wymiar geopolityczny

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 223-237
Author(s):  
Włodzimierz Osadczy
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Religious Tradition ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Cultural Tradition ◽  
World War ◽  
Treaty Of Versailles ◽  
The Common ◽  
The One ◽  
The Church

A Piece of Holy Rus in the Europe after the Treaty of Versailles. Subcarpathian Ruthenia: Tradition and Geopolitical Dimension Subcarpathian Ruthenia was a relic of the East Slavic world which survived in the hermetic conditions of the influence of the Hungarian political tradition. Connected with other Ruthenian lands by religious tradition, the language of the Church, speech similar to the folk language of other Ruthenian regions on the other side of the Carpathians, under the rule of the Polish Crown, this piece of Rus was not linked by political or cultural tradition with other regions of Ruthenian lands referring to the common Kiev heritage . During political emancipation, conservative influences were clashing here, on the one hand – those combining attachment to the archaic tradition and political orientation towards Hungary, and on the other: progressive popular democratic influences seeking unity with the Ukrainian national movement. As a result of complicated diplomatic efforts, Subcarpathian Ruthenia was included in the Czechoslovak Republic after World War I. The interwar period did not bring any noticeable economic and civilization progress to these lands. Ruś Podkarpacka była reliktem wschodniosłowiańskiego świata, który przetrwał w hermetycznych warunkach oddziaływania politycznej tradycji węgierskiej. Złączony z innymi ziemiami ruskimi tradycją religijną, językiem cerkiewnym, mową zbliżoną do języka ludowego innych regionów ruskich po drugiej stronie Karpat, w składzie Korony Polskiej, ten skrawek Rusi nie był złączony tradycją polityczną czy kulturową z innymi regionami ziem ruskich odwołujących się do wspólnej spuścizny kijowskiej. W czasie emancypacji politycznej ścierały się ze sobą tutaj wpływy konserwatywne, łączące przywiązanie do archaicznej tradycji i politycznej orientacji na Węgry a nikłe postępowe ludowo-demokratyczne dążące jedności z ukraińskich ruchem narodowym. Na skutek skomplikowanych zabiegów dyplomatycznych Ruś Podkarpacka znalazła się po I wojnie światowej w składzie Republiki Czechosłowackiej. Okres międzywojenny nie przyniósł tym ziemiom dostrzegalnego postępu gospodarczego i cywilizacyjnego.

Safekeeping and Sifting: Observations on the German Reformed Tradition, 1900-1930

2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-164
Author(s):  
Georg Plasger
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Karl Barth ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Nineteen Twenties ◽  
Reformed Tradition ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
National Socialist Era

Abstract The German Reformed tradition between 1900 and 1930 has received little interest. Much more attention has been given to the Reformed churches during the National Socialist era and on acknowledging the massive influence of Karl Barth. The article gives an overview of the minority denomination of the Reformed confession in Germany. On the one hand we see that the Reformierte Bund, founded in 1884, breaks up during the Calvin jubilee of 1909. On the other hand, the crisis after World War I brought further difficulties. In the nineteen-twenties, a discussion grew about the function of the Reformed Confessions—are they to be kept intact and normative (so the Young Reformed line) or should they function to sift and sort out what is needed in each era and location (so Karl Barth)?

Explaining the 1914 War in Europe

2019 ◽  
pp. 99-124
Author(s):  
Frank C. Zagare
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Incomplete Information ◽  
The Other ◽  
Great War ◽  
World War ◽  
International History ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Game Theoretic ◽  
The One ◽  
The Great War

This chapter focuses on the outbreak of World War I, which remains one of the most perplexing events of international history. It should be no surprise that rationalist interpretations of the July Crisis are a diverse lot, ranging from the sinister to the benign. This chapter constructs a theoretically rigorous rationalist explanation of World War I, the 1914 European war that involved Austria–Hungary, Germany, Russia, and France. On the one hand, this chapter confirms the view that one does not have to take a particularly dark view of German intentions to explain the onset of war in 1914; on the other hand, it also calls into question the “accidental war” thesis. A number of related questions about the Great War are addressed in the context of a generic game-theoretic escalation model with incomplete information.

Hofjudentum und Martyrium

Aschkenas ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Otto Horch
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Historical Novel ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Witch Trials ◽  
The Witch ◽  
The One

AbstractThis contribution dwells on Jewish aspects in Alfred Döblin’s novel »Wallenstein«, which was written between 1916 and 1920. It refers, on the one hand, to the close financial connection between the Prague merchant and »court Jew« Jacob Bassevi and Wallenstein and the novel’s real protagonist, Emperor Ferdinand II, and, on the other hand, to a scene that stretches over several pages, depicting in a hyper-naturalistic manner the torture and burning of a Jewish couple. Similar to the witch trials, the scene documents the total cultural decline at the time of the Thirty Years’ War. Döblin’s historical novel is also a plea against the barbarism of World War I and against wars in general.

scholarly journals The Failure of “Truth and Clarity” at Berne: Kurt Eisner, the Opposition and the Reconstruction of the International

1973 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-201
Author(s):  
Robert F. Wheeler
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
The Real ◽  
International Labor ◽  
Ultimate Failure ◽  
The One ◽  
Opposition Group ◽  
Second International

To better understand why Marxist Internationalism took on the forms that it did during the revolutionary epoch that followed World War I, it is useful to reconsider the “International Labor and Socialist Conference” that met at Berne from January 26 to February 10,1919. This gathering not only set its mark on the “reconstruction” of the Second International, it also influenced both the formation and the development of the Communist International. It is difficult, however, to comprehend fully what transpired at Berne unless the crucial role taken in the deliberations by Kurt Eisner, on the one hand, and the Zimmerwaldian Opposition, on the other, is recognized. To a much greater extent than has generally been realized, the immediate success and the ultimate failure of the Conference depended on the Bavarian Minister President and the loosely structured opposition group to his Left. Nevertheless every scholarly study of the Conference to date, including Arno Mayer's excellent treatment of the “Stillborn Berne Conference”, tends to underestimate Eisner's impact while largely ignoring the very existence of the Zimmerwaldian Opposition. Yet, if these two elements are neglected it becomes extremely difficult, if not impossible, to fathom the real significance of Berne. Consequently there is a need to reevaluate Eisner's role in the proceedings, particularly his behind the scenes activities, as well as to consider the attempt to resurrect the Zimmer-waldian movement during the Conference. In no small way the responsibility for the fateful decisions taken at Berne, decisions which ultimately proved detrimental to the cause of the International, lies with the hyperactive Kurt Eisner and the relatively passive Zimmer-waldian Opposition.

scholarly journals Reassessing the Greek National Schism of World War I: The Ideological Parameters

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 234
Author(s):  
Basil C. Gounaris ◽  
Marianna D. Christopoulos
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
German Idealism ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
Political Choices ◽  
The One ◽  
East West ◽  
Economic Criteria

The National Schism that erupted in Greece during World War I has already been thoroughly analysed in the bibliography as a crisis of national unification, defined by geographical, political and socio economic criteria. The aim of this article is to move a step forward, to support that the National Schism might also be considered as an act in the broader and much older Greek ideological drama, that of the tantalising and incomplete “return” to the East via the European West. It is argued that the Schism, far from being a bipolar confrontation between supporters and opponents of Europe, did select from the East–West debate whatever arguments were necessary to invest military and political choices with a “deeper” meaning. Our approach focuses mostly on the rhetoric produced by the two opposing camps, the Venizelists and the anti-Venizelist block, from 1914 to 1922. It is, however, complemented by a retrospective presentation of the nineteenth-century debateover the Enlightenment and liberalism, on the one hand, and German idealism, on the other.

scholarly journals Traktaty brzeskie państw centralnych z Rosją i Ukrainą jako preludium do traktatu wersalskiego

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 179-222
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Mazur
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
The Other ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Treaty Of Versailles ◽  
The Government ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
The One

Brest Treaties of the Central States with Russia and Ukraine as a Prelude to the Treaty of Versailles In his article, the author discusses the reasons for the conclusion of peace treaties by the Central Powers with the Ukraine and Russia in February and March 1918. The article analyses the war goals of the Central Powers, especially Germany, and Austria-Hungary. It also depicts the situation of Russia and the Central Powers in the years 1917-1918. Furthermore, it describes the reasons that led individual countries to the Brest negotiating table, and presents the goals that these countries tried to achieve as the result of peace talks. An extensive part of the article constitutes a description of talks with the government of the Ukrainian People's Republic, a description of the peace agreement concluded with the Ukraine on February 9, 1918 and its significance. It led to far-reaching consequences as it resulted in breaking the concept of the so-called the Austro-Polish solution and in the decisive turn of Poles against the Habsburg monarchy and the Ukrainians. On the other hand, Austria-Hungary failed to obtain supplies, grain and raw materials granted by this agreement. The Ukraine was to supply 1 million tons of grain and a number of other resources. It was not viable as the country did not possess them. Nevertheless, it was the first international treaty to which the Ukraine was a signatory, and hence its great importance. It constituted international recognition of the Ukraine. A month later, on March 3, 1918, a peace treaty was signed with Soviet Russia. That was a confirmation of Russia's defeat in World War I. The country was unable to continue the war and had to sign it. The Soviet government signed a peace treaty knowing that they would break it at the first opportunity and did so immediately after the surrender of Germany on November 11, 1918. The author of the article presented the content of this treaty, the subsequent Soviet-German agreements of 1918 and their consequences - including details of the agreements with Turkey, as a result of which, on the one hand, Turkey tried to become the proverbial "regional power" in the Caucasus, and on the other, German troops entered Georgia. Autor w swoim artykule omawia przyczyny zawarcia przez państwa centralne w lutym i marcu 1918 r. traktatów pokojowych z Ukrainą i Rosją. Artykuł omawia cele wojenne państw centralnych, a zwłaszcza Niemiec, oraz Austro-Węgier, zaś w latach 1917-1918 ich sytuację oraz sytuację Rosji. Charakteryzuje przyczyny, które doprowadziły poszczególne państwa do stołu rokowań w Brześciu, a także przedstawia cele, jakie państwa te usiłowały osiągnąć w wyniku rozmów pokojowych. Obszerną część artykułu stanowi opis rozmów z rządem Ukraińskiej Republiki Ludowej, charakterystyka zawartego z Ukrainą 9 II 1918 r. układu pokojowego i jego znaczenie. Miał on ogromne następstwa, bowiem w jego wyniku doszło do zerwania koncepcji tzw. rozwiązania austro-polskiego i zdecydowanego obrócenia się Polaków przeciwko monarchii habsburskiej i Ukraińcom. Z drugiej strony Austro-Węgrom nie udało się uzyskać z tej strony zaopatrzenia, zboża i surowców; układ przewidywał, iż Ukraina dostarczył 1 mln ton zboża i szereg innych surowców. Nie mogła się z tego wywiązać, bo ich nie posiadała. Niemniej jednak był to pierwszy traktat międzynarodowy, którego sygnatariuszem była Ukraina, i stąd jego ogromne znaczenie, stanowił bowiem międzynarodowe uznanie Ukrainy. W miesiąc później, 3 III 1918 r., został podpisany układ pokojowy z Rosją Radziecką, który stanowił potwierdzenie klęski Rosji w I wojnie światowej, lecz ta nie była w stanie prowadzić dalej wojny i musiała go podpisać. Rząd radziecki podpisywał traktat pokojowy ze świadomością, że przy pierwszej nadarzającej się okazji zerwie go i uczynił to zaraz po kapitulacji Niemiec 11 XI 1918 r. Autor artykułu przedstawił treść tego układu, następne po nim układy radziecko-niemieckie z 1918 r., oraz jego konsekwencje, w tym szczegóły układów z Turcją, w wyniku których z jednej strony Turcja usiłowała stać się przysłowiowym „mocarstwem regionalnym” na Kaukazie, a z drugiej weszły do Gruzji wojska niemieckie.

THE ECONOMISTS OF THE LOST CAUSE AND THE MONETARY EDUCATION OF JOHN R. COMMONS

2014 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Dennis Chasse
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
World War I ◽  
Central Bank ◽  
Learning Experience ◽  
The Other ◽  
Lost Cause ◽  
World War ◽  
The One

Wild price swings following World War I motivated some economists and their allies to start a stable money campaign. John R. Commons joined this campaign, and the story of his participation opens a window into an historical learning episode in which the campaign, though it failed, sparked intellectual efforts and interacted with events in ways that changed beliefs about relations between central bank actions, on the one hand, and unemployment, inflation, and economic growth, on the other. The paper dwells on Commons’ role and on the long learning experience that led participants to conclusions they could not have anticipated when they embarked on their campaign.

Peace, but not at any price: British socialists’ calls for peace on the eve of the First World War

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Morris
Keyword(s):  
Military Spending ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
Common Goal ◽  
Defence Spending ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Common ◽  
The One ◽  
First World

Moving beyond simplistic assumptions of a pro-cuts to defence spending ILP (and their allies) and a jingoistic, verging on pro-war Labour right, Morris invites us to reconsider how the common goal of peace could be pursued through seemingly divergent means. On the one side stood those who viewed military spending as inevitably leading to war – why improve one’s military, after all, not to use it – but on the other emerged a ‘patriotic Labour’ who urged Britain not to remain defenceless in the face of German aggression

scholarly journals THE OTHER SIDE OF ARGENTINE FOREIGN TRADE: SOURCES FOR THE STUDY OF IMPORTS, 1880-1913

2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agustina Rayes
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
World War I ◽  
Foreign Trade ◽  
Research Agenda ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
Visible Part ◽  
Balance Of Trade ◽  
The One ◽  
High Level

AbstractHistoriography has payed less attention to imports than exports from the last quarter of the nineteenth century to the beginning of World War I. On the one hand, this is explained by the crucial and more visible part that exports played in fostering economic growth. On the other, the reason why imports have been less studied is the high level of disaggregation of the data available. In this paper, we analyse the official Argentine statistics as the main source for a reconstruction of imports. Then, we recalculate the balance of trade using our corrected export series. Additionally, we propose a research agenda based on gaps in the specialised literature and the possibilities given by the use of the official statistics.

Protestant Clergy Debate the Nation's Vocation, 1898–1899

1973 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Winthrop S. Hudson
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
World War I ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
New York Times ◽  
Leadership Role ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
Protestant Clergy ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Church

A review in theNew York Timesobserved that “the church abandoned the Negro in the 19th century and took up Hugh Hefner in the 20th. Churchmen in America have always been followers instead of leaders.” While this wry comment is not entirely true, it has enough truth to keep clergymen from undue selfesteem. It is clear, on the other hand, that churchmen on occasion have been leaders as well as followers. An equally wry comment attributed to Lincoln Steffens provides a clue to the clergy's leadership role. Americans, Steffens remarked, never learned to do wrong knowingly. Whenever they compromised with principle, they had to find a pious justification for it. Clerical leadership was especially prominent in the period prior to World War I, since this was a time when the American public looked to the pulpit for its pious justifications.

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