scholarly journals The Populist Party in the Countries of the European Union: the Ideological Profile and Activities at the Beginning of XXI Century

2017 ◽  
pp. 100-109
Author(s):  
A. Martynov

The article highlights the political renaissance of European right-wing populist skeptics in most countries of the European Union. These political parties to the global economic crisis in 2008, when the process of European integration was on the rise, remained on the margins of politics. The crisis of the liberal model of globalization, the influx of refugees from crisis areas of conflict in the Middle East and North Africa, increased social contradictions reanimated populist right-wing ideology. This socio-political response to this reality has pushed the popularity of far-right nationalist political forces in most Central European countries. In terms of ideology classification of these political forces are represented as populists “left” orientation (the French “National Front”) and “right” populists (the party “Alternative for Germany”). This fact confirms the erosion of traditional ideological markers in politics and the crisis of determining its strategy and tactics.

Author(s):  
Marcin Kosman

Abstract While much research has been done regarding right-wing discourse in modern Europe, the literature of Polish far-right discourse is still insufficient. The present paper discusses the discursive strategies of Grzegorz Braun, one of the leaders of Confederation Liberty and Independence, which were implemented by the politician during the 2019 Gdańsk mayoral campaign. In order to provide a comprehensive analysis of Braun’s discourse, audiovisual materials were included in the study. The findings show that Braun employs positive presentation of the Catholic Church and himself, and negative presentation of his opponents (LGBT activists, immigrants, the European Union, the elites), whom Braun considers to be in an alliance against Poland and its core values under the name of the “Gdańsk Pact”.


2019 ◽  
pp. 89-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quinn Slobodian ◽  
Dieter Plehwe

Since the advent of the European debt crisis in 2009, it has become common to hear descriptions of the European Union as a neoliberal machine hardwired to enforce austerity and to block projects of redistribution or solidarity. Yet by adopting an explanatory framework associating neoliberalism with supranational organizations like the EU, NAFTA, and the WTO against the so-called populism of its right-wing opponents, many observers have painted themselves into a corner. The problems with a straightforward compound of “neoliberal Europe” became starkly evident with the success of the “leave” vote in the Brexit referendum in 2016. If the EU was neoliberal, were those who called to abandon it the opponents of neoliberalism? If the EU is indeed the “neoliberalism express,” then to disembark was by definition a gesture of refusal against neoliberalism. To make sense of the resurgent phenomenon of the far right in European politics, then, our chapter tracks such continuities over time and avoids misleading dichotomies that pit neoliberal globalism—and neoliberal Europeanism—against an atavistic national populism. The closed-borders libertarianism of nationalist neoliberals like the German AfD is not a rejection of globalism but is a variety of it.


Author(s):  
Sindre Bangstad

This chapter discusses the life and work of Bat Ye’or (Gisèle Littman), who is widely seen as the doyenne of “Eurabia”-literature. This comes in different varieties and formulations, but in Bat Ye’or’s rendering refers to an ongoing secretive conspiracy which involves both the European Union and Muslim-majority countries in North Africa and the Middle East, aimed at establishing Muslim control over a future Europe or “Eurabia.” Though Bat Ye’or did not coin the term “Eurabia,” she can be credited with having popularized the concept through quasi-academic titles such as Eurabia: The Euro-Arab Axis and Europe, Globalization and the Coming Universal Caliphate. Through its dissemination on various “counter-jihadist” websites and in the work of the Norwegian counter-jihadist blogger Fjordman, her work inspired the Norwegian terrorist Anders Behring Breivik. She also has long-standing relations with Serbian ultranationalists, the Israeli Far Right, and various radical Right activists in Western Europe and the US.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 573-589
Author(s):  
Ethan J Grumstrup ◽  
Todd Sorensen ◽  
Jan Misiuna ◽  
Marta Pachoka

Tempers flared in Europe in response to the 2015 European Refugee Crisis, prompting some countries to totally close their borders to asylum seekers. This was seen to have fueled anti-immigrant sentiment, which grew in Europe along with the support for far-right political parties that had previously languished. This sparked a flurry of research into the relationship between immigration and far-right voting, which has found mixed and nuanced evidence of immigration increasing far-right support in some cases, while decreasing support in others. To provide more evidence to this unsettled debate in the empirical literature, we use data from over 400 European parties to systematically select cases of individual countries. We augment this with a cross-country quantitative study. Our analysis finds little evidence that immigrant populations are related to changes in voting for the right. Our finding gives evidence that factors other than immigration are the true cause of rises in right-wing voting.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 68-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Didem Doganyilmaz Duman

It is believed that the massive flow of refugees and dramatically increased asylum applications from Muslim societies to member countries of the European Union will cause significant change in the demographic characteristics of those countries. Although the presence of Muslims is not a recent phenomenon in Europe, their increased visibility has become once again a dominant political discourse for right-wing political parties. The important question is whether the Muslim presence has become a component of the post-truth politics of the political leaders of these parties, or whether it constitutes a real threat to European society. Does the European Union, then, face a real crisis? If so, what is the nature of the crisis – is it a refugee crisis, an identity crisis, or even worse, is it a crisis of tolerance? This paper analyses the political atmosphere and its effects on society in terms of an increased visibility of Muslims and Islamic symbols in the European public sphere in order to answer those questions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Paulo Vila Maior

The results of the 2019 European Parliament (EP) elections cast an unprecedented challenge for the European Union (EU). Growing popularity of right-wing and left-wing, populist and radical political parties and the rising number of members of the parliament materialise the challenge. The article explores the seismic effects of the reconfiguration of the political landscape for European integration. The rising number of populist and radical political parties’ members of the parliament might weaken the political centre of gravity in the EP. Since the EP plays an important role on the legislative process of the EU, populist and radical parties’ Euroscepticism (if not their standpoint against the EU) might pervade the EP and threaten the EU with the prospect of setback, or at least stagnation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-124
Author(s):  
Albert Guziak

This article explores the attitude towards the European Union represented by right-wing populist parties by the example of the Austrian Freedom Party. Due to the advanced stage of the European integration and a multitude of its positive and negative repercussions, far-right populist parties adopted an antagonistic rhetoric aiming at discrediting and limiting the influence of the EU in a country, they represent. The FPÖ skillfully shapes a Euro-sceptic discourse in Austria, embracing a populist strategy of manipulation and hostility. The populist itself is, however, far from offering a clear political vision. Based on the reflections on populism by Ernesto Laclau, elaborating on the far-right populist strategies of a former FPÖ’s leader Jörg Haider and finally confronting the party discourse with real political actions, this article constitutes an attempt to show the complexity of a mutual relation between populism and the European Union.


Author(s):  
Emanuel-Ionuț Zanoschi

The current political scene is undergoing visible and often incomprehensible changes for the average person. The rise of new political forces is a topical issue, especially in the context of an ideological reconfiguration. Even if it is possible to play in a vast history, where ideological directions can be given, a specialist can observe that in several ocasions the political parties go beyond their own ideological boundaries to attract more voters and retain power. There are a number of new political forces, built on the fight against corruption and the anti-system in several states of the European Union. They often do not have a clear ideology, consisting of a wide range of members who do not share the principles of a common ideology. Some emerged in response to the populist danger that seemed to grip the European Union ahead of the European Parliament elections on May 26, 2019. Is it a closed path or are we preparing for a new paradigm in shaping political ideologies? I will try to give an answer in this article by going on a case study in Romania, regarding the last configurations of political parties. Is there a need to have a clear ideology, doctrine or the voters need to have a simple set of principles to support?


2021 ◽  
pp. 102-119
Author(s):  
Oleg B. Nemensky ◽  

This chapter analyzes the views of Polish far-right politicians on the future of Europe and Poland's place in the European Union. The author offers a typology of organizations with more pronounced right-wing tendencies than the ruling “Law and Justice” party. Particular attention is paid to the regional and Pan-European ideological contexts.


Author(s):  
Hanna Kharlan ◽  

The article researches conceptual approaches of the German political parties regarding the prospects of interaction with the Eastern European states in 2005-2017. Positions of political forces of the Federal Republic of Germany are characterized by the degree of impact of one or another party to the course of political life. The priorities in the Eastern European policy of the six main parties (CDU/CSU, SPD, FDP, “Alliance 90/The Greens”, “Left”, “Alternative for Germany”) during the reign of the second “grand” Christian-liberal coalition, and the third “grand” coalition led by Federal Chancellor A. Merkel are analysed. Almost all political forces stood for Germany’s active participation in the process of European integration. Instead, there were significant differences in the issue of relations between Germany and the Eastern European states and prospects of their joining the European Union. The CDU/CSU position was based on solving traditional problems of maximum security in Europe. The SPD strategy was based on the fact that Russia, as well as during the confrontation between blocks in the Cold War, should be the nucleus of the East European policy of the FRG. The views of the FDP in general are in line with the positions of the CDU / CSU. The “Alliance 90/The Greens” stressed the need for a pan-European security system and the further implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy. The rhetoric of the “Left” and the representatives of the “Alternative for Germany” party was plainly pro-Russian. The author concludes that the Revolution of Dignity, the signing of the Association Agreement, the annexation of Crimea and the war in the East of Ukraine have shown the need for a revision of orientations in the Eastern European politics and the development of fundamentally new forms of interaction between Germany and the Eastern European states. To a certain extent, this trend has been reflected in the program documents and polemics on the eve of the Bundestag 2017 elections.


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