The Problem of Ukrainian-Polish Coexistence in the Ukrainian Conservative Political Thought of the Interwar Period: Lypynskyi Versus Tomashivskyi in the Framework of Epoch

While studying Polish-Ukrainian relations, outstanding Ukrainian conservative thinkers, namely Vjacheslav Lypynskyi and Stepan Tomashivskyi, focused mainly on the problem of distinguishing the role of Poland in the history of the Ukrainian people and on the issue of orientation towards Poland as a factor in the emergence of the Ukrainian state. The role of Poland in the history of the Ukrainian people, according to conservatives, was twofold. On the one hand, it was Poland that paved the way for Ukraine to Europeanization, providing examples of state-style literature and culture. This constructive role of Poland was especially fruitful in comparison with the Asian influences of Moscow. In this context, the conservatives emphasized that these were the Poles who played a key role in the process of separating Ukrainians from Russia, promoting the rise and establishment of the Cossacks and the Hetmanate, as well as creating the very name “Ukraine”. Conversely, the conservatives negatively assessed the Treaty of Hadiach for Ukraine, which, in their opinion, was very rational, on the one hand, and contributed, on the other hand, to the extermination of the elite and aristocratic democracy, and which disorganized the nobility and made it republican by eliminating its chivalrous essence and adding destructive anarchism instead. The conservatives also sharply assessed the Treaty of Warsaw between Petliura and Pilsudski. Simultaneously, Ukrainian monarchists did not consider Poland a force that could play a role in the creation of the Ukrainian state, although they considered the territorial autonomy of Halychyna under Poland as the first stage in educating the citizens of Western Ukraine in the spirit of the state monarchical idea. They took the position of mutual understanding between Ukrainian conservatives and Halychyna Poles in achieving the autonomy of Ukrainian lands under Poland, although they condemned the concept of a federation of Poland and Ukraine in Halychyna under the conditions put forward by Halychyna Ukrainian National Democrats. Conservatives considered such a strategy doomed to failure without the creation of a conservative territorial group in Halychyna composed of local Poles and Ukrainians. Relying heavily on local Poles not affiliated with metropolitan Warsaw, they placed the main emphasis on the internal organization of the monarchists rather than on external allies, including Poland

The Slovak Question in Foreign Policy Vision of the Second Rzeczpospolita Authorities (1938 – March 1939)

The Polish authorities had a negative attitude towards the central government of the Czechoslovak Republic at that time. Therefore, the Polish reprezentatives were in active contact with the opposition Glinka Slovak People’s Party. They had a number of common ideological values such as Slavic reciprocity, Catholicism, Anti-Bolshevism, and positive assessment of authoritarianism. The Polish politics assured that Warsaw supports state-building plans of the Slovak leaders and solemnly welcomed their delegation to Poland in May 1938. Polish-Slovak relations were marked by contradictions during and shortly after the Munich crisis. The Slovaks suggested state association and submitted a declaration on the Polish-Slovak union. But they did not receive an answer, so they agreed with the Prague government about granting Slovakia autonomy. The Polish authorities expected more pronounced separatism from the Slovaks. Warsaw made territorial claims for Slovak lands in the area of Spis and Orava because Poles wanted to push indecisive oppositionists. The ultimate form of the demands and the forceful nature of Polish actions demonstrated the real content of Warsaw’s policy towards Slovakia. These events resulted to the improvement of Czech-Slovak relations within the framework of Post Munich Czechoslovakia and also led to the appeal of Slovak politicians to Germany. Both sides tried to improve the atmosphere of bilateral relations during the winter of 1938-1939. Meetings of delegations were organized for discuss different ways to intensify positive cooperation. An influence of Nazi Germany was increasing in the region at that time. So, the realization of the danger, posed by Germans, was the main factor to Polish-Slovak rapprochement. In early March, Berlin organized a campaign to put pressure on Slovak politicians and persuaded them to secession. They tried in vain to put forward a Polish counterweight. The declaration of independence of Slovakia according to the German scenario marked the strategic failure of Polish foreign policy, because the southern border of the state became a zone of potential danger

Margaret Thatcher's Vision on the Russian Factor in the International Relations System (Late Twentieth – Early Twenty-First Century)

The article analyzes the memoirs and scientific legacy of the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom during 1979-1990 Margaret Thatcher on the role of the USSR and Russia in the international relations system of the last third of the 20th ─ early 21st century. The evolution of Soviet/Russian-British relations in the active phase of the Cold War and its gradual extinction is studied: from the categorical rejection of the Soviet political regime at a time of stagnation to the establishment of active dialogue during the period of rebuilding and Gorbachev's "new political thinking". The paper focuses on the predictions of a respected British politician regarding Russia's role in the future of Europe and the world. The role of the nuclear factor in the implementation of Soviet-British relations is analyzed. The process of implementation of the "German question" through the prism of these relations is considered. The role of the United States as an important factor influencing the course of the Soviet/Russian-British dialogue is defined, in particular in the context of NATO's role, operation “Desert Storm”. The paper describes the main problems of Europe and the world, exacerbated during the collapse of the Soviet Union. Particular attention is paid to the consideration of interpersonal relations between Margaret Thatcher and Mikhail Gorbachev and the characteristics of his successors as leader of the state: Boris Yeltsin and Vladimir Putin

Issues of the History of the Greek Presence on Ukrainian Territory in Modern National Historiography

The purpose of the study is a historiographical analysis of the works of modern Ukrainian historians on the issues of ethnic history of the Greeks of Ukraine, who belong to its oldest and most stable ethnic communities. In this regard, several tasks are set, one of which is to define main thematic areas of these studies and the degree of their analysis. The methodology is based on the scientific principles of historicism and objectivity. Specific scientific methods of historiographic analysis, synthesis, ideographic and other methods were used. Scientific novelty is determined primarily by the fact that this topic within the outlined chronological boundaries has not become the subject of a separate scientific study so far. Conclusions: Development of issues of ethnic history of the Greeks of Ukraine, which was initiated in the studies of scholars from Western European countries and the Russian Empire at the end of the XVIII – XIX centuries and has evolved significantly thanks to the scientific achievements of Soviet historians, received a new impetus in the early 1990s in the works of Ukrainian historians. The emergence of another wave of scientific interest in this topic is associated with the reset of the national historical science after the proclamation of independence of Ukraine, the imperatives of state ethnopolitics, the demands of the Ukrainian public, etc. These developments are based on a wide range of newly discovered sources and are characterized by modern research approaches, rethinking key issues of the problem, developing new theories (primarily on the ethnogenesis of Urums and Roumeans), etc. It is determined that a significant contribution to the study of the issue was made by the staff of the Institute of History of Ukraine of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, in particular the Cabinet of Ukrainian-Greek Relations (since 2007 – Research Center for Ukrainian-Greek Relations) headed by N.O. Terentyeva. Against the background of a wide variety of issues on the ethnic history of Ukrainian Greeks, which have a fairly high level of development today, primarily in the history of the Greeks of Nizhyn and North Azov region, their national and cultural life in independent Ukraine is the least represented

Public Resistance in the National Liberation Movement of Poles in Right-Bank Ukraine in the First Half of the 1860s (From the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine, Kyiv)

The article covers important manifestations and specifics of the protest culture of the Polish community within the South-Western region of the Russian Empire in the first half of the 1860s on the basis of analysis and synthesis of information from the documents of "Office of Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General" (f.442) and "Office of the trustee of the Kiev school district" (f.707) of the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine (Kyiv). Defending one's own cultural identity as a driver of national development is connected with the awareness of the political interests and goals of the liberation struggle of Poles. The unique influence of the Polish question on historical processes, the configuration of international relations in Europe during the "long 19th century" determines the relevance and scientific significance of the study and thinking of the history of Polish national and cultural movement. Comprehensive study of the Polish question in the European history of the 19th century is an important part of the scientific perception of interethnic contradictions and antagonisms in the Russian Empire and the reaction of European diplomacy and public opinion, a deeper understanding of the essence of Russian-Polish cultural and civilizational confrontation and its impact on Ukrainian national life. Following the three partitions of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (1772, 1793, 1795) most of the territories of this formerly powerful European state were incorporated into the Russian Empire, there was a fierce struggle for cultural and ideological dominance in the region. The Polish national liberation movement of the 1860s, which culminated in the January Uprising of 1863-1864, developed against a background of broad social and cultural resistance to Russian autocracy, manifested in such protest actions as mourning and serving panikhads for dead Poles, singing patriotic Polish songs and hymns, public wearing of national costumes, participation in anti-government manifestations and demonstrations, refusal to read prayers for the emperor in churches, and so on. Clergy and educators, as well as students and pupils, were the driving force behind this protest movement, which had an international resonance

Economic Policy of the German Occupational Authority in the Kolomyia Region (According to the “Vollia Pokuttya” Newspaper 1941 – 1944)

This article examines the main aspects of the economic policy of the German administration within the Kolomyia region during 1941-1944. On the bases of „Vollia Pokuttya“ news, the directions of Germany economic governance in the agrarian and trade commercial sector were singled out. The economic policy pursued by the German occupation authorities in the Kolomyia region vividly reflected the general trend of expansionist use of industrial and human potential in the district of Galicia. This led to acts of disobedience and sabotage of grain supplies by the peasants and a harsh reaction from the authorities. Nazi officials pursued a similar policy in the cities. By allowing the resumption of business and cooperatives, the Germans hoped to gain the loyalty of local residents. However, support could not be achieved, as de facto control over the above institutions continued to be exercised by various governmental economic groups, which included all existing industrial organizations, craft associations, and consumer cooperatives. Mobilization and organization government measures concerning the departure of the population for job to the Reich were illuminated, and also described their life conditions and social-legal status. In particular, the goal of agricultural and handicraft courses, which operated in Kolomyia’s county, was analyzed. The paper highlights that the organization of professional education was suitable for pragmatic considerations of the Nazi administration, as military failures give the power a push to attract local population to spend active agricultural life. This study is the first attempt of complex assessment of economic policy of the German occupation regime in the mentioned terrains. Therefore, the results of this paper are important both for the further development of historical regionalism and in the context of studies devoted to the Second World War

Leon Wasilewski at the Treaty of Riga Negotiations: to the Centenary of the Peace of Riga (1921)

The article is dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Riga (1921), discussions about the significance of which do not stop today. What significance did this treaty have for the history of Europe, and especially for its political architecture of the interwar period? What were the consequences of this agreement for Poles, Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians? Estimated of the agreement signed a hundred years ago still differ – some believe that the document then established the borders of Poland almost within the Second Partition of Poland (1793) was the defeat of the then Polish elite, others – that it was an expression of the real state of affairs. This article focuses on the course of Polish-Soviet negotiations during the signing of the treaty, the struggle within the Polish delegation between supports of two state geopolitical concepts (National Democracy “incorporative” and “federal” J. Pilsudski) and establishment of the Eastern border of the Polish state. The well-known Polish diplomat and politician Leon Wasilewski played one of the key roles during these negotiations, and the study of his activities will help to clarify several controversial points during the negotiations. The Treaty of Riga (1921) put an end to the Polish-Bolshevik war, defined the Polish border in the East and the same time cancelled the Petliura-Pilsudski Agreement, which testified to the defeat of the federalist program of J. Pilsudski. Further, the Polish government’s policy towards national minorities later proved to be almost discriminatory, weakening the Polish state from within. For Ukraine and Belarus, this agreement proved to be a national catastrophe, depriving them of the prospects of statehood. This peace can be called a “situational compromise”, which in the short term solved the problem of ending the war, but did not solve any of the geopolitical problems of Poland: neither guaranteed security nor guaranteed the stability of Poland’s Eastern border. The violation of this peace by Soviet Russia was a matter of time, as it happened in 1939

“The Sacrificed Army” – the Hungarian 2nd Army Between Memory and History

The fate of the Hungarian 2nd Army has a significant role in the Hungarian memory. The army was sent to the Eastern Front in 1942 suffered one of the great defeats of the Hungarian military history during the Soviet counter-offensive in January 1943. During the past almost 80 years, different narratives have emerged about it were evolved in the Hungarian public. In the paper the author shall analyse the most significant elements of these narratives. Firstly, there will be examined the genesis and underlying causes of the decision to send the 2nd Army to the Eastern front. The author counter a popular post-war myth that the Hungarian leadership sent out the Hungarian soldiers and labour servicemen with the intention of sacrifice that it could limit Hungary's involvement in the German war effort. Although the Hungarian military leadership discriminated against various social groups (primarily of individuals of Jewish descent, non-Hungarian nationalities) in military service, they did not aim to destroy them. Similarly, the higher proportion of reserve officers and lower social classes (peasantry, workpeople) in the army was misinterpreted. In the second part of the paper the author will examine the interpretations of the defeat in January 1943. As a part of this topic there will be shown how the public opinion and survivors overstated the loss data and the temperature conditions of “the Russian winter.” In addition, the author scrutinize the fighting and withdrawal in January 1943 from the viewpoint of the military discipline. Finally, he analyse the interpretations of two orders. The army commander, Colonel General Jány wrote in his order on 24 January that “the 2nd Army has lost its honour.” Although later he withdrew this order, it became the symbol of the barbarity and betrayal of the Hungarian military elite against the Hungarian soldiers. It received a different opinion on the order of the commander of the III Corps of 1 February 1943, in which Major General Stomm disbanded his formation - which was unprecedented in Hungarian history

The Attempts of the Mazepian Emigration to involve the Crimean Question into the International Policy of French Kingdom in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century

Being at the political and diplomatic service of King of France Louis XV for more than three decades (from 1729 to 1759) Hryhor Orlyk, the son of the Ukrainian Hetman Pylyp Orlyk, was committed to furthering the cause of his father. Traditionally, in the context of the political tasks of the French kingdom, he addressed, on the one hand, the incorporation of the Cossack factor into the foreign policy of the Versailles Cabinet, and, on the other hand, the Crimean question. At every stage of his diplomatic service, which we have distinguished (the 1730s, 1740s, and 1750s respectively), the Hetman’s son set different tasks to resolve the Crimean issue and, accordingly, tried to implement them. Through his consistent, permanent, and persistent actions, Hryhor Orlyk contributed to the traditional matter of Hetman’s Ukraine integration into the international policy of the Versailles Cabinet, along with the Cossack and Crimean factors. In the 1750s, one of the last representatives of the Mazepian emigration Fedir Myrovych and Fedir Nakhymovskyi joined the corps of Orlyk’s son Hryhor. They became his effective assistants in the matter of political and legal recognition of the Cossack factor as one of the dominant foreign policy activities of the Versailles Cabinet by the French political elite. Being in Crimea in the 1750s, Myrovych and Nakhymovskyi acted as special emissaries of the Versailles Cabinet maintaining contacts with it directly through Hryhor Orlyk. They contributed in every way to the policy of the kingdom in Crimea in connection with the activation of the Cossack factor there. Old Mazepa’s supporters assisted the Hetman’s son in the implementation of the military and political cooperation between France and Crimea and the Ottoman Empire, but they also attempted to explain the essence of Russian policy aimed at terminating the independence of the Kosh both to the Khan and to Zaporozhian Cossacks in Crimea. The author concludes that as the envoy of the French Crown in Crimea, Hryhor Orlyk made the last attempt to involve the Crimean Khanate to the problems related to the restoration of the Cossack statehood solving the Crimean-Cossack problem, which had been consistent since the sixteenth century. All Mazepa supporters by conducting their activities in Crimea not only contributed to raising the issue of integrating the Cossack factor as an integral part into the international policy of the Versailles Cabinet, but also helped to legitimize and substantiate the latter in the concept of involving Turkey and the Crimean Khanate into the struggle for Ukraine’s liberation from Russian domination

Theoretical Foundations and Methodological Problems of the Semiotics of History

The article deals with the theoretical and methodological problems of the semiotics of history. Semiotics is the science that studies the sign system. This system is used by people to transfer knowledge and information. Modern governance is semiotic. A separate fact can turn into a sign-symbol. The sign lives its own life in the virtual space, leaving the information space. The modern world is governed by language. The revolution starts with the language. Semiotics changes the epistemological regime. The code provides a communication system. Any code requires decoding. Cultural space codes are ambiguous. The semiotics of history actively interacts with the history of ideologies. The question of the truth of the nationalism doctrine cannot be solved by science, because it belongs to ideology. The name is the essence. In psychiatry, there is the concept of semiotic dementia, when the patient does not understand the meaning of words. Information is distributed among people, therefore it acquires its social significance when it is perceived by people, only under this condition it becomes knowledge. Knowledge helps to act. A prerequisite for this is correct information. Concepts of the information society can be distinguished in the format of semiotics of history. Images have a stronger effect on people than texts. Negative information spreads faster than texts. Virtuality creates the image of the desired world. The images of the future are not neutral. A certain image of the future is set by the present. No one can escape the human prejudice. The semantics of history develops in the general line of the linguistic turn in historical science. In this sense, the methodological and theoretical problems of the semiotics of history are associated with the linguistic problems of consciousness, caused by the imperfection of any language and the ways of its public use