scholarly journals URSS vs. EEUU, RDA vs. RFA: Guerra Fría en los Juegos Olímpicos de Verano (1952-1988) (U.S.S.R. vs. USA, GDR vs. FRG: Cold War at the Summer Olympics (1952-1988))

Retos ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 37-39
Author(s):  
Mateo Rodríguez Quijada ◽  
Svetlana Molkova

Durante la Guerra Fría (1947-1991), las cuestiones geopolíticas determinaron el desarrollo del deporte internacional. Los Juegos Olímpicos se convirtieron en la arena de la lucha no solo deportiva sino política. Las victorias deportivas se utilizaban para mostrar la supremacia política, económica e ideológica de los países participantes. En la presente investigación se realiza un análisis de los medallistas de la Unión de Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS), los Estados Unidos (EEUU), la República Democrática Alemana (RDA) y la República Federal de Alemania (RFA) en los Juegos Olímpicos de Verano entre los años 1952 y 1988. Se analiza una muestra de 1945 medallistas olímpicos provenientes de los países indicados que compitieron durante 8 ediciones de los Juegos Olímpicos. Se excluyen del estudio los Juegos de Moscú 1980 y Los Ángeles 1984 debido a los boicots políticos por parte de EEUU y la RFA, y de la URSS y la RDA respectivamente. Los resultados del estudio muestran una clara superioridad de la URSS frente a los EE.UU. en casi todas las características estudiadas. La RDA, a su vez, supera a la RFA en la mayoría de variables analizadas. Los resultados ponen de manifiesto una supremacía de los países del bloque del este en los Juegos Olímpicos de Verano durante la Guerra Fría.Abstract. During the Cold War (1947-1991), geopolitical issues influenced international sports events. The Olympic Games became a space not only for sports competitions, but also for political clashes. Sports victories were used to pinpoint political, economic and ideological supremacy of the participating countries. The aim of the present research was to analyze the Summer Olympic medalists from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (U.S.S.R.), United States of America (USA), the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) in the period 1952-1988. We analyzed 1,945 Olympic medalists from above-mentioned countries, competing during 8 Summer Olympic Games. The 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow and the 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles were excluded due to political boycotts by the USA and the FRG and by the U.S.S.R. and the GDR, respectively. The results of our research show clear superiority of U.S.S.R in comparison to USA in almost all characteristics studied. GDR was better than FRG in most of the analyzed variables. Our outcomes reveal the supremacy of the Eastern Bloc countries at the Summer Olympics during the Cold War.

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 139-157
Author(s):  
Irina Nastasă-Matei ◽  

Romania was the first country in the Eastern bloc to initiate diplo­matic relations with the Federal Republic of Germany. On January 31, 1967, the Embassy of the FRG was opened in Bucharest, Romania. In this context, which marked the intensification of the cultural exchange between the two countries, with special attention paid to the exchange of students and researchers, in this article I aim to tackle the situation of the Humboldt fellows from Romania during 1965-1989, as agents of knowledge transfer and actors of soft-power strategies between the two blocks.


STADION ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-137
Author(s):  
Jan Hangebrauck

South Africa was part of the Olympic Movement for more than two decades after apartheid had been officially introduced in 1948. In 1964 South Africa was excluded from the sporting event for the first time, and in 1970 it was formally expelled from the Olympic Movement. It had to wait until 1992 for its return when South Africa participated in the Olympic Games in Barcelona and won two medals. In the first part, this article describes South Africa’s development to exclusion and then back to its return by examining reasons for the late expulsion from, and re-entry to, the Olympic family. The next part looks at reactions of the governments and national sports federations (NFs) of Great Britain, the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) to South Africa’s exclusion and its return against the backdrop of the Cold War. This paper further analyses the general attitudes of those actors towards apartheid (in sports). The conclusion points out the implications of South Africa’s sporting isolation and additional research gaps.


2014 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-26
Author(s):  
Georges-Henri Soutou

This overview of the academic literature on the Cold War argues that current historiography is characterised by a combination of classical historical approaches and political science methodology. Military history alone cannot explain the phenomenon; it has to reach out into political, economic, and ideological fields. Towards the end of the Cold War, revisionist approaches blaming the West to a large extent for the international tension after 1945, seemed to gain ground, but after the opening of the former Eastern Bloc archives, they lost credibility. Recently, based on cultural history approaches, they appear to be gaining ground again. Recent historiography also looks at the rifts within the Communist world, both the tensions between states in the Soviet orbit, and at the role of Western Communist parties. In many ways, the crisis years of 1958–1962 emerge as the pivotal period of the Cold War (Berlin, Cuba, etc.). Finally, the way the origins of the Cold War are interpreted has a direct impact on how its eventual termination is explained. Was it due to cultural factors, to nato cohesion, or to German Ostpolitik?


Author(s):  
Peter Speiser

This introductory chapter provides a review of the political and social impact of the British attempt to transform the British Army of the Rhine (BAOR) from an occupation force of the defeated Nazi Germany to an alliance partner of the Federal Republic of Germany. The study begins in 1948, when it became increasingly evident that the western zones of Germany would merge into a semi-sovereign state; it ends in 1957, when the generally good political, economic, and cultural cooperation that had been established between Britain and Germany in the postwar decade began to deteriorate. The study seeks to establish the extent to which the BAOR provided an effective tool for the improvement of Anglo-German relations in a crucial period of the Cold War.


Author(s):  
E. A. Repeshko

The modern system of international relations more often faces the conflicts of different tension which appear in different regions of the world. Conflicts of the beginning of XXI century are determined by different political, economic, national and confessional reasons. The system of international relations faced the crisis. This system had existed for many centuries and was adopted in the Westphalia Peace. The ending of the Cold War made the world see the new conditions whose distinctive feature was an increasing quantitative index of clashes. A number of political changes at the beginning of the current decade have resulted in changes of political regimes in these countries. On the whole, the process of peaceful political transformation was characteristic of the events of the so-called «Arabic spring». However, similar changes in Libya proved to have a different character causing military changes and NATO's military intervention. If the process of social uprising turned into protest-street disturbances in Egypt and Tunis, in Libya there was an armed overthrow of the authorities by the opposition supported by foreign states. The author touches upon the events of the Arabic spring which resulted in overthrowing Gaddafi's regime. NATO' policy was criticized in the course of military actions in Libya. The author considers NATO's views, particularly, that of the USA, France and Great Britain in terms of the Libyan crisis and its solutions. The study of the conflict mechanism, its nature will allow to estimate taken by the world measures influencing the modern system of international relations.


2019 ◽  
Vol IV (IV) ◽  
pp. 97-106
Author(s):  
Iftikhar Ahmad ◽  
Ramzan Shahid

End of the Cold War caused a paradigm shift in world politics by converting the bipolar world into a unipolar world with the emergence of the USA as a sole superpower in the field of international politics. Indo-US obnoxious nexus has put the security situation in perils in South Asia. America is in a full endeavor to contain China to halt her everexpanding sphere of influence. Positive and proactive development in PakRussia relations, in the post-Cold War period, has caused ripples in the stagnant waters of political, economic and strategic areas of mutual interest. On the global level Sino-US rivalry in Indian Ocean Region (IOR). While, on the other hand, so far as a regional factor is concerned, Pakistan and China have evolved very cordial and cooperative relations in order to complete China's Belt and Road (BRI) and China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Pak-Russia relations would go on to enter, from both sides, into complete trust, confidence-building and mutual reliance on each other.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Catherine Neuburger

Purpose – This paper aims to explore the parameters of Bulgarian cigarette advertising in the Cold War period. It contrasts the evolution of cigarette marketing in Bulgaria and the USA in the context of contrasting communist and capitalist notions of the “good life” versus the “common good”. Design/methodology/approach – The paper is informed by a growing literature on advertising under communism, but also new work on consumption in the Soviet Union and Cold War Eastern Europe. It draws upon archival and printed Bulgarian, and some American, sources, and the memoir of a key player in the Bulgarian tobacco industry. Findings – The paper concludes that marketing of cigarettes in communist Bulgaria gained momentum in the same period that cigarette advertising in the USA was severely curtailed. In Bulgaria, the notion that cigarettes were key to the promised “good life” and “building socialism”, out-weighed any notion of harm to the “common good”. Originality/value – This study casts doubt on the common notion that there was no advertising under communism, by offering an in-depth study of an industry that was allowed to market and develop a quality product to an unusual degree. It undermines assumptions about “command” economy, industry behavior, contributing to a re-thinking of Eastern Bloc consumer culture. In addition, it sheds light on changes in the acceptability of cigarette advertising within the Cold War context, namely, how the process of advertising regulation in the West, and increased marketing in the East, fit into Cold War debates and interactions.


Author(s):  
Daniel Deudney

The end of the Cold War left the USA as uncontested hegemon and shaper of the globalization and international order. Yet the international order has been unintentionally but repeatedly shaken by American interventionism and affronts to both allies and rivals. This is particularly the case in the Middle East as the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq as well as the nuclear negotiations with Iran show. Therefore, the once unquestioned authority and power of the USA have been challenged at home as well as abroad. By bringing disorder rather than order to the world, US behavior in these conflicts has also caused domestic exhaustion and division. This, in turn, has led to a more restrained and as of late isolationist foreign policy from the USA, leaving the role as shaper of the international order increasingly to others.


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