scholarly journals BRAZILIAN AGRIBUSINESS IN MOZAMBIQUE: THE PROSAVANA PROGRAMME CASE STUDY/ O agronegócio brasileiro em Moçambique: estudo de caso sobre o Programa ProSAVANA/ El agronegocio brasileño en Mozambique: estudio de caso sobre el Programa ProSAVANA

REVISTA NERA ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 345-365
Author(s):  
Tamy Yukie Kobashikawa
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Agriculture Sector ◽  
Public Subsidies ◽  
Private Investments ◽  
The Status ◽  
Private Corporations

This paper is about the ProSAVANA Programme, a trilateral cooperation project between Japan, Brazil and, Mozambique. ProSAVANA Programme goal is to develop the agriculture sector in the Nacala Corridor and it has been controversial due to conflicts among government, private corporations, and civil society organizations. Private investments were expected to occur in the Nacala Corridor, mainly from Brazilian agribusiness, however, Brazilian private investments in Mozambique’s agriculture sector have been in a stagnant state in the period 2007-2017.The paper examines the status of the ProSAVANA Programme and what are the difficulties to Brazilian agribusiness invest to Mozambique. Current challenges of the programme were found as follows: (1) high risk of investment due to non-existent public subsidies to small, medium and large-scale agribusiness; (2) “land property” law bureaucracy; and (3) civil society mobilization against ProSAVANA. All they are key factors to repel Brazilian agribusinesses. Como citar este artigo:KOBASHIKAWA, Tamy Yukie. Brazilian agribusiness in Mozambique: the ProSAVANA Programme case study. Revista NERA, v. 23, n. 51, p. 345-365, jan.-abr., 2020.

scholarly journals Factors of China’s International Competitiveness and the Sustainability of its Economy under the COVID-19 Pandemic (the Case Study for BRICS)

2021 ◽  
Vol 244 ◽  
pp. 10020
Author(s):  
Tatiana Podolskaya ◽  
Maria Singkh
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Structural Analysis ◽  
Growth Rates ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
International Competitiveness ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Brics Countries ◽  
The Face ◽  
Economic Growth Rates

The risks and large-scale losses faced by the international community during the COVID-19 pandemic led to a recession in 2020. In these circumstances, of particular interest is the experience of China, which was able to maintain positive economic growth rates, demonstrating a unique resilience to modern challenges. The main objective of the study presented here is a statistical and structural analysis of the factors that ensure China’s international competitiveness and the resilience of its economy in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic. The analysis is expected to show which key factors of China’s international competitiveness have made its economy resilient to the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors also hope to identify which promising developments, similar to China’s, will enhance the international competitiveness of the BRICS countries.

scholarly journals Social Media for Enhancing Civil Society and Disaster Relief: Usage by Local Municipalities in Japan

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Muneo Kaigo ◽  
Leslie Tkach-Kawasaki
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Social Networking ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Municipal Governments ◽  
Social Networking Services ◽  
Media Usage ◽  
Local Municipalities ◽  
Local Municipality

This main focus of this article is a case study that analyzes social media usage by a local municipality in Japan, and on the possibilities and problems of complementary communication channels such as social networking services for promoting civil society activities and linking civil society organizations. We examine how in the past, Japanese municipalities have been using social media and social networking services for enhancing civil society and how social networking services are a potential tool that can provide vital information and connect citizens, municipal governments and civil society. This article focuses on the first phase of the Tsukuba Civic Activities Cyber-Square [Tsukuba Shimin Katsudō no Hiroba] on Facebook Experiment in 2012 and how it functioned during and after the May 6, 2012 Tsukuba city tornado disaster for the subsequent relief and support activities during May 2012.

scholarly journals Collaborative Barriers Among University - Industry - Policy (U-I-P) Entities on Environmental Matters: A Case Study in Sarawak, Malaysia

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 316-329
Author(s):  
Janice Manyie ◽  
Geoffery James Gerusu ◽  
Roland Kueh Jui Heng
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Environmental Concern ◽  
Success Factor ◽  
Limited Information ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Private Knowledge ◽  
The Status ◽  
Industry Policy ◽  
University Industry

Realizing the importance of practicing environmental concern, it is needed to understand the tools used to tackle the issues. In this study, university – industry – policy (U-I-P) entities collaboration is a significant approach that was viewed to be the success factor towards the efforts of tackling environmental issues. Collaboration work, which involves different entities benefit in a way that pushes the entities to move towards shared objectives and goals which is to improve the environmental condition. However, although the significance of U-I-P entities collaboration was known and the linkages among U-I-P entities has started, there are still limited information on the practice of collaboration specifically on the U-I-P entities linkage structures on environmental matters in Sarawak. Thus, there is a need to identify the barriers and success factor in order to develop successful collaboration. This study addressed the gap through a mixed method of qualitative and quantitative approaches which the data were collected from 199 respondents based on a face to face interview using structured questionnaires in the major divisions of Sarawak. Drawing from a large scale of study, the study explores the status of collaboration and the barriers of collaboration in Sarawak. Findings indicated that cost, private knowledge and knowledge barrier to be a major hurdle that inhibit the development of collaboration. The assessment suggested that more efforts to increase awareness on collaboration be disseminated.

Euroconstitutionalism and its Discontents

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Gerstenberg
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
National Level ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Final Word ◽  
Common View ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Common ◽  
Domestic Level

This book addresses the question of social constitutionalism, especially with regard to its role in the contemporary European project. For reasons of history and democracy, Europeans share a deep commitment to social constitutionalism. But at the same time, Europeans are concerned about an overconstitutionalization and the balancing-away of less-favoured rights, leading to the entrenchment of the status quo and stifling of the living constitutionalism and democracy. The book challenges the common view that constitutionalization means de-politicization. Without claiming for themselves the final word, courts can exert a more indirect—forum-creative and agenda-setting—role in the process of an ongoing clarification of the meaning of a right. In exerting this role, courts rely less on a pre-existing consensus, but a potential consensus is sufficient: courts can induce debate and deliberation that leads to consensus in a non-hierarchical dialogue in which the conflicting parties, state actors, civil society organizations, and the diverse stakeholders themselves develop flexible substantive standards that interpret constitutional requirements, often over repeat litigation. The CJEU and the ECtHR—as courts beyond the nation state—in their constitutionalizing jurisprudence are able to constructively re-open and re-politicize controversies that are blocked at the national level, or which cannot be resolved at the domestic level. But, crucially, the understanding of constitutional framework-principles is itself subject to revision and reconsideration as the experience of dealing with the diverse national contexts of discovery and application accumulates. This democratic-experimentalist process lies at the heart of the distinctive model of contemporary Euroconstitutionalism.

Resisting Democratic Backsliding: Malawi’s Experience in Comparative Perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 858-882
Author(s):  
Peter VonDoepp
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
Collective Resistance ◽  
The Face ◽  
Democratic Rights ◽  
Action Theories

AbstractWhy does collective resistance to democratic backsliding emerge in some contexts and not others? The experience of Malawi in 2011–2012 offers an opportunity to explore this question. In the face of attacks on democratic rights and institutions, large-scale popular and civil society mobilization challenged the government’s authoritarian tendencies. Drawing on collective action theories and comparing Malawi’s experience to that of Zambia, VonDoepp argues that Malawi’s resistance arose in an environment that was favorable to its emergence. Economic conditions had generated grievances against government, polarization remained modest, and civil society organizations benefitted from credibility and the presence of allies that facilitated activism.

Social Media and Civil Society Organizations (CSOS)

2015 ◽  
pp. 237-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kari Steen-Johnsen ◽  
Bernard Enjolras
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Amnesty International ◽  
Use Of Social Media ◽  
Lateral Communication ◽  
Opening Up ◽  
Social Media Strategy

This qualitative case study describes and analyzes the use of social media by Amnesty International Norway (AIN), a medium-sized human rights organization. Specifically, the case looks at how and to what extent AIN fulfilled its aims of enhancing information, public debate, and mobilization for campaigns through the use of Facebook and the organization's own website blog. While AIN saw great potentials in using social media, a core question was whether opening up for more lateral communication would lead to a loss of trustworthiness and organizational identity. Although AIN experienced an initial lack of success in using social media to generate response and mobilization in 2011, it was able to develop a powerful social media strategy resulting in high degrees of activity and exchange in 2014. Findings indicated that this change seemed to rely both on the ability of AIN to reflect upon its own governance structures and on the organization's ability to learn from experience.

Catalonia

2021 ◽  
pp. 43-69
Author(s):  
André Lecours
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Current System ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
First Case ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Act ◽  
Nationalist Parties ◽  
Clear Statement ◽  
Static Nature

This chapter presents the first case study, Catalonia. By the mid 2010s, the traditional autonomism of Catalan nationalism had become a minority position. The basic argument of the chapter is that Catalonia’s autonomy within Spain, at least since 2010, is static, which means Catalans consider there is little chance that the current system can adapt to their national identity and take into consideration their evolving collective interests. The 2010 Spanish Constitutional Court’s judgment, that invalidated and narrowly interpreted many articles of the reform to the Catalan Stature of Autonomy negotiated four years earlier between the Catalan and Spanish governments, represented a clear statement of the static nature of Catalan autonomy. That statement generated mounting pressures by civil society on nationalist parties, particularly CiU, to adopt clear secessionist positions. The status quo and secession seem to be the only two possible constitutional options, and defending the status quo for Catalonia’s nationalist parties was an untenable political and electoral position. As such, the Catalan secessionist turn involved CiU’s own secessionist turn. As the Catalan government embarked on a process of self-determination, the Spanish state responded by declaring any independence referendum, as well as the act of secession itself, unconstitutional. In so doing, the Spanish state reaffirmed that Catalonia’s autonomy was static insofar as no Catalan political act could trigger a progressive change in the powers of the Generalitat. This stance consolidated the new secessionist pathway of Catalan nationalism.

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