GOVERNMENT, TAXATION AND THE (RE)DISTRIBUTION OF INCOME: IS A JUST SOCIETY JUST TOO EXPENSIVE?

Author(s):  
Julie L. Rose

Recent debates about inequality have focused almost exclusively on the distribution of wealth and disparities in income, but little notice has been paid to the distribution of free time. Free time is commonly assumed to be a matter of personal preference, a good that one chooses to have more or less of. Even if there is unequal access to free time, the cause and solution are presumed to lie with the resources of income and wealth. This book argues that these views are fundamentally mistaken. First, it contends that free time is a resource, like money, that one needs in order to pursue chosen ends. Further, realizing a just distribution of income and wealth is not sufficient to ensure a fair distribution of free time. Because of this, anyone concerned with distributive justice must attend to the distribution of free time. On the basis of widely held liberal principles, the book explains why citizens are entitled to free time—time not committed to meeting life's necessities and instead available for chosen pursuits. The novel argument that the just society must guarantee all citizens their fair share of free time provides principled grounds to address critical policy choices, including work hours regulations, Sunday closing laws, public support for caregiving, and the pursuit of economic growth. The book demonstrates why all citizens have, in the words of early labor reformers, a right to “hours for what we will.”


Author(s):  
Samuel Freeman

The first part of this chapter addresses Amartya Sen’s argument against Rawls’s reliance on ideal theory and “a perfectly just society.” I argue that Rawls’s ideal theory and principles of justice are not as redundant or irrelevant as Sen contends. The principles of justice that would be agreed to for an ideal society are necessary to determine a just distribution of income and wealth in our own non-ideal society. In the second part of the chapter, I discuss Sen’s rejection of Rawls’s “institutional approach” in favor of an account of “consequence-sensitive” evaluation of “comprehensive outcomes.” I argue that Rawls’s institutional approach, without being consequentialist, is also consequence-sensitive. I discuss some potential problems with a consequentialist interpretation of Sen’s comparative method and suggest that a pluralist interpretation of his account (one that combines deontological with consequentialist principles) is not as different from Rawls’s approach as Sen intends it to be.


1993 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. M. Leipziger ◽  
D. Dollar ◽  
A. F. Shorrocks ◽  
Su Yong Song

Author(s):  
Gerald Gaus

This book lays out a vision for how we should theorize about justice in a diverse society. It shows how free and equal people, faced with intractable struggles and irreconcilable conflicts, might share a common moral life shaped by a just framework. The book argues that if we are to take diversity seriously and if moral inquiry is sincere about shaping the world, then the pursuit of idealized and perfect theories of justice—essentially, the entire production of theories of justice that has dominated political philosophy for the past forty years—needs to change. Drawing on recent work in social science and philosophy, the book points to an important paradox: only those in a heterogeneous society—with its various religious, moral, and political perspectives—have a reasonable hope of understanding what an ideally just society would be like. However, due to its very nature, this world could never be collectively devoted to any single ideal. The book defends the moral constitution of this pluralistic, open society, where the very clash and disagreement of ideals spurs all to better understand what their personal ideals of justice happen to be. Presenting an original framework for how we should think about morality, this book rigorously analyzes a theory of ideal justice more suitable for contemporary times.


1987 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 401-417
Author(s):  
Sarfraz K. Qureshi

Intersectoral terms of trade play a cruc1al role in determining the sectoral distribution of income and resource allocation in the developing countries. The significance of intra-sectoral terms of trade for the allocation of resources within the agricultural sector is also widely accepted by research scholars and policy-makers. In the context of planned development, the government specifies production targets for the agricultural sector and for different crops. The intervention of government in the field of price determination has important implications for the achievement of planned targets. In Pakistan, there is a feeling among many groups including farmers and politicians with a rural background that prices of agricultural crops have not kept their parities intact over time and that prices generally do not cover the costs of production. The feeling that production incentives for agriculture have been eroded is especially strong for the period since the early 1970s. It is argued that strong inflationary pressures supported by a policy of withdrawal of government subsidies on agricultural inputs have resulted in rapid increases in the prices paid by agriculturists and that increases in the prices received by farmers were not enough to compensate them for the rising prices of agricultural inputs and consumption goods.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-97
Author(s):  
Moh. Ah. Subhan ZA

The main problem of social life in the community is about how to make the allocation and distribution of income well. Inequality and poverty basically arise not because of the difference of anyone’s strength and weakness in getting livelihood, but because of inappropriate distribution mechanism. With the result that wealth treasure just turns on the rich wealthy, which is in turn, results in the rich get richer and the poor get poorer.Therefore, a discussion on distribution becomes main focus of theory of Islamic economics. Moreover, the discussion of the distribution is not only related to economic issues, but also social and political aspects. On the other side, the economic vision of Islam gives priority to the guarantee of the fulfillment of a better life. Islam emphasizes distributive justice and encloses, in its system, a program for the redistribution of wealth and prosperity, so that each individual is guaranteed with a respectable and friendly standard of living. Islam recognizes private property rights, but the private property rights must be properly distributed. The personal property is used for self and family livelihood, for investment of the working capital, so that it can provide job opportunities for others, for help of the others through zakat, infaq, and shodaqoh. In this way, the wealth not only rotates on the rich, bringing on gap in social life.The problem of wealth distribution is closely related to the welfare of society. Therefore, the state has a duty to regulate the distribution of income in order that the distribution can be fair and reaches appropriate target. The state could at least attempt it by optimizing the role of BAZ (Badan Amil Zakat) and LAZ (Lembaga Amil Zakat) which has all this time been slack. If BAZ and LAZ can be optimized, author believes that inequality and poverty over time will vanish. This is because the majority of Indonesia's population is Muslim.


Author(s):  
Samuel Freeman

Rawls says that there are two sources for the primacy assigned to the basic structure: the profound effects of basic social institutions on persons and their future prospects, and the need to maintain background justice. This chapter discusses the main reasons behind Rawls’s position that the basic structure of society is the primary subject of justice, and that the political constitution, property, and the economic system are the first subject to which principles of justice apply. First, the primacy of the basic structure is necessary for the freedom, equality, and independence of moral persons. Second, the basic structure’s priority is a condition of economic reciprocity and the just distribution of income and wealth. Third, the primacy of the basic structure is required by moral pluralism and the plurality of values and reasonable conceptions of the good among free and equal persons.


Author(s):  
Fanie du Toit

This chapter endeavors to develop a coherent framework for political transition—as reconciliation. I argue that reconciliation explains how relationships emerge in unfavorable conditions; how once a modest beginning is achieved, cooperation can grow, trust strengthened, and understanding deepened through appropriate processes and institutional arrangements; and how eventually a fundamentally more just society is built—all as part of a comprehensive transitional agenda. In South Africa, reconciliation politics propagated the idea, diametrically opposed to apartheid, that racial groups were fundamentally and comprehensively interdependent. This provided a compelling rationale for taking reconciliation seriously—and twenty-four years on, it still does. Reconciliation embraces a shared future on the basis that this is not only desirable but unavoidable, and turns to deal with a troubled past because it obstructs this future. More broadly, therefore, reconciliation can be described as “working toward fairness and inclusivity, reconciliation entails the mutual acknowledgment, the progressive institutionalization, and the long-term socialization of a comprehensive and fundamental interdependence.”


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