Engineering the People II : The Legal Foundation of Settler Citizenship

Keyword(s):  
Chronologia ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Yusuf Budi Prasetya Santosa ◽  
Rina Kurnia

Abstract In the field of political struggle, the leaders of the national movement were jointly preparing for an independent Indonesia. One of the efforts to prepare for Indonesian independence was through the BPUPKI session which took place from May to July 1945. BPUPKI was the preparation committee for Indonesian independence in the form of Japan which was originally used as a propaganda tool but instead used as a means of struggle for national movement figures. National movement figures who sit in BPUPKI come from various religious and ideological backgrounds. One of the national movement figures who became a member of BPUPKI was Ki Bagus Hadikusumo. Ki Bagus Hadikusumo is the leader of the Islamic organization, Muhammadiyah, which contributed to fighting for and fighting for Indonesian independence through BPUPKI. This study intends to find out about how Ki Bagus Hadikusumo's contribution to the trial of BPUPKI in May-July 1945. The method used in writing this article is a literature study. The results of the study revealed that Ki Bagus Hadikusumo made a big contribution to the BPUPKI session. There are two things put forward by Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, first is the concept of an independent Indonesia, which is a state that is run on the sovereignty of the people, and secondly, fighting for Islam as the legal foundation for an independent Indonesian state. Keywords : BPUPKI, Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, Islam Abstrak Di medan perjuangan politik para tokoh pergerakan nasional bersama-sama mempersiapkan Indonesia merdeka. Salah satu upaya dalam rangka mempersiapkan kemerdekaan Indonesia ialah melalui sidang BPUPKI yang berlangsung dari Mei hingga Juli 1945. BPUPKI merupakan panitia persiapan kemerdekaan Indonesia bentukkan Jepang yang semula digunakan menjadi alat propaganda, namun justru dijadikan sebagai alat perjuangan bagi para tokoh pergerakan nasional. Para tokoh pergerakan nasional yang duduk di dalam BPUPKI berasal dari berbagai latar belakang agama dan ideologi. Salah satu diantara tokoh pergerakan nasional yang menjadi anggota dari BPUPKI adalah Ki Bagus Hadikusumo. Ki Bagus Hadikusumo adalah pemimpin organisasi Islam, Muhammadiyah yang turut berkontribusi dalam memperjuangkan dan memperisapkan kemerdekaan Indonesia melalui BPUPKI. Penelitian ini bermaksud mencari tahu mengenai bagaimana kontribusi Ki Bagus Hadikusumo dalam persidangan BPUPKI Mei-Juli 1945. Metode yang digunakan dalam penulisan artikel ini yaitu studi pustaka. Hasil kajian mengemukakan, bahwa Ki Bagus Hadikusumo memberikan kontribusi yang besar dalam sidang BPUPKI. Terdapat dua hal yang dikemukakan oleh Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, pertama ialah konsep negara Indonesia merdeka adalah negara yang dijalankan atas kedaulatan rakyat, dan kedua memperjuangkan Islam sebagai pondasi hukum bagi negara Indonesia merdeka. Kata kunci : BPUPKI, Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, Islam


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3C) ◽  
pp. 595-606
Author(s):  
Elshad Eldar oqlu Hasanov

This article examines the constitutional and legal foundations of the formation and activities of the Milli Majlis (Parliament) of the Republic of Azerbaijan as a legislative body. As a result of research, the author emphasizes the role of transparent, democratic and fair parliamentary elections at the present stage of development of parliamentarism for the full expression of the interests of the people in legitimate legislative and indirect legislation, the need to restore the practice of mixed elections in the formation of the Milli Majlis. Considers it expedient to use blockchain technology in the elections to the Milli Majlis of the Republic of Azerbaijan by making appropriate changes to the current electoral legislation, and also puts forward other important scientific provisions and proposals aimed at forming and improving the constitutional and legal foundation of the Milli Majlis of the Republic of Azerbaijan.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-162
Author(s):  
Said N. Said

Abstract While every year the people of the United Republic of Tanzania witness the new anniversary of the Union between the former Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, this paper intends to examine how strong its legal foundation stands. The union was established by the two leaders; Nyerere for Tanganyika and Karume for Zanzibar. After their signatures, the agreement was required for ratification at Zanzibar and Tanganyika legislative bodies. Only Tanganyika ratified. Surprisingly, even though Zanzibar did not ratify, the union was made. On this background foundation, the union legality has been repeatedly criticized. While those who question the legality of the union stick on the point of ratification, those who consider its legitimacy, assert that the question of validity has waned due to the period the union has survived. The findings in this article argue otherwise, in fact, the issue has grown to such extent that it haunts everyone in Tanzania.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-116
Author(s):  
Mohammad Takdir

ABSTRACTThis study aims to explore the idea of anthropocentric fiqh as a new paradigm in the development of more equitable Islamic law for all people in the world. Nowadays, the study of fiqh growing in the community only centered on the binary decision between halal and haram which seemed to ignore the aspects of daily problem faced by the ummah. This study uses the anthropocentric paradigm as a criticism to the theocentric paradigm which focuses all problems of the ummah only to the God. The anthropocentric paradigm is a perspective on fiqh products which not only contain debates about the God's absolutes, but also concern on the human interests in obtaining justice and the benefits of every product of the ulama ijtihad. This study shows that anthropocentric fiqh is a model of the Islamic law development which is not oriented to the sacred text or the monopoly of interpretation of classical scholars. Anthropocentric Fiqh does not want to erase the legal provisions of the Shari'a as well as the results of the classical ulama's thoughts, but to strengthen the legal foundation which is in accordance to the needs of the ummah. So, anthropocentric fiqh is very compatible with the people situation who have their own problems related to the tradition or culture which are considered against the Islamic law.Keywords: Anthropocentric Fiqh, Tajdid, Islamic Law.


2015 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Dodek

Instead of arguing for or against a “Triple-E” Senate, I argue that, whatever one’s position on the Senate (short of abolition), the Senate suffers from a “Triple Deficit”: (1) an integrity deficit; (2) a legitimacy deficit; and (3) a democratic deficit. It suffers from an integrity deficit because of the reputation that the Senate has for not being a particular demanding job, and, more importantly, because of recent scandals that are a continuation of a history of scandal which the Senate has never taken concrete steps to address. The Senate suff ers from a legitimacy deficit because of the integrity deficit and because of its history of patronage appointments. Finally, it suffers from a democratic deficit for more than the obvious reason that it is unelected. As the Supreme Court stated in the Quebec Secession Reference, democracy as it has come to be understood in Canada means more than simply respect for majority will: “to be accorded legitimacy, democratic institutions must rest, ultimately, on a legal foundation.  That is, they must allow for the participation of, and accountability to, the people, through public institutions created under the Constitution.  The system must be capable of refl ecting theaspirations of the people.” Rather than allowing for public participation and accountability, the Senate has allowed itself to become isolated from the Canadian people. This sense of isolation has exacerbated the Senate’s democratic deficit and has led Canadians to view it as distant, elitist, andout of touch with the people.


2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 895-915
Author(s):  
Eoin Daly

The Brexit vote has sparked renewed criticism of the United Kingdom’s ad hoc constitutional arrangements, particularly in relation to the status of popular sovereignty. While the people is politically recognised as ‘sovereign’ through the apparent unassailability of its referendum verdict, this sovereignty has no legal foundation or form – thus giving it an elusive, indefinite character. In turn, legal commentators have argued that the lack of a clear conceptual framework for constitutional referendums aggravated the political crisis that followed the vote and that the uncertain nature and authority of referendums represents a distinct source of constitutional crisis in its own right. In this article, I consider how this ‘constitutionalist critique’ of the Brexit referendum, and its ad hoc constitutional framework, reflects a particular conception of liberal constitutionalism as a bulwark against the hazards and vicissitudes of unstructured popular sovereignty. I will argue that this perspective overestimates the capacity of constitutional law to regulate expressions of popular sovereignty via referendums, that it misconceives the character and claim of popular sovereignty more generally, and that it reflects certain characteristics of liberal legalism in its stance towards politics and political contingency.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 204-224
Author(s):  
Muhammad Isa Sya’roni

Abstract: The establishment of the Ombudsman of the Republic of Indonesia was motivated by a powerful demand of society to realize clean and good governance as well as to improve the protection of the rights of the community of the state actor organizers that does not comply with its legal obligations. The Ombudsman has a strong legal foundation because it is based on the norms of law relating to the protection of law for the people and government oversight contained in the constitution. The position of Ombudsman, according to Law No. 37 year 2008 on the Ombudsman of the Republic of Indonesia is a state institution that has the authority to oversee the implementation of public service. It is independent and has no organic relationship with state agencies and other government agencies. In carrying out its duties and authority, it is free from interference of other powers. The establishment of the Ombudsman as a state institution that has the function of supervising the implementation of the bpublic services in Indonesia is appropriate and not contrary to the principles of the Islamic political jurisprudence’s supervision, namely the principle of al-amr bi al-ma'ruf wa al-nahy 'an al-munkar to realize a peace and public order and to minimize the occurrence of human rights, such as the functions held by the wilayat al-mazalim and wilayat al-hisbah within the Islamic state administration.Keywords: Ombudsman, position, authority, organization, public services


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Skladany
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Michael A. Neblo ◽  
Kevin M. Esterling ◽  
David M. J. Lazer
Keyword(s):  

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