scholarly journals Power to the People: Checking Special Interests in California

2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Stacy B. Gordon Fisher ◽  
Kimberly L. Nalder ◽  
Matthew Lesenyie
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Author(s):  
Susanna Heldt Cassel

Abstract In this chapter the concept of identity is discussed in relation to niche events as expressed through images produced and circulated in social media. Since niche events focus on special interests and activities for a limited number of people and attract participants from afar who share this interest, these types of events also influence the identities of the places that are represented in relation to them. By circulating images online - the people, attractions, landscapes and cultural practices of places connected to specific hashtags on social media - places are co-constructed and materialized in the minds of visitors, businesses and other stakeholders in an ongoing flow of communication. The study shows that social media posts related to Landsmót (the National Championship of the Icelandic horse) represent both the event and Iceland as a destination by stressing national pride and an Icelandic identity strongly connected to the rural landscape, to outdoor activities, to harsh nature and to skilled, strong and independent men and women who create their identities in relation to their horses.



2017 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Lubienski

This discussion offers an overview of the articles and themes developed by the papers in this special issue on Chicago school reform, and also some critical comments on such scholarship.  It highlights how these reforms are not organic, as they are often portrayed, but are instead a result of strategic efforts by policymakers and special interests.  As the authors of these articles show, these reforms essentially experiment with education “innovations” on poor and minority children in a context where segregation appears to be increasingly accepted.  But while the efforts of equity-minded researchers in addressing these issues should be lauded, this discussion goes further and offers some critical commentary on researchers’ use of language, arguing that we too often alienate ourselves from both the policymakers we seek to influence and from the people we seek to help.  By adopting exclusive language common in critical theory’s attack on “neoliberalism,” scholars may try to enhance their own credibility by demonstrating familiarity with obscure terminology, but in doing so, may be creating another echo-chamber which excludes them from policy discussions that can effect substantive change.



2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 502-504
Author(s):  
Leonard Preyra

The Politics of Direct Democracy: Referendums in Global Perspective., Lawrence LeDuc., Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview. 2003, pp. 214.The 1980s marked a watershed in the evolution of liberal democracy. On the global front the principles of liberal democracy were successfully used as battering rams to demolish the walls erected by its powerful Cold War rival—socialism. Our side declared victory and the end of ideological conflict. And yet in its struggle with socialism liberal democracy planted the seeds for its own transformation—it was hoist with its own petard. A new consensus emerged. Our elections were also a sham, parties provided little or no meaningful choice, and legislators were unrepresentative, unresponsive and unaccountable. On major constitutional and moral issues there was gridlock. From the left came calls for “people power” and more inclusive and empowering institutions. From the right came calls for privatizing the State and reducing the autonomy of elected officials and the “special interests” who controlled it. Enter the referendum as a way of addressing this “democratic deficit.” Why not let the people decide?



2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Budd

The 2018 Ontario provincial election marked a decisive shift in the political direction of Canada’s most populous province. The election brought an end to the long reign of the Ontario Liberal Party (2003–2018), whose government devolved into a series of scandals that resulted in a third-place finish. The Liberal’s defeat came at the hands of the Progressive Conservative Party led by former Toronto city councillor, Doug Ford. The Progressive Conservative’s victory was propelled on the back of Ford’s deeply populist campaign where he promised to reassert the interests of ‘the people,’ expel the influence of elites and special interests, and clean up government corruption. This campaign discourse led many political opponents and media pundits to accuse Ford of importing the nativist, xenophobic, and divisive rhetoric of other radical right-wing populist leaders. This article advances the argument that rather than representing the importation of ‘Trumpism’ or other types of radical right-wing populism, Ford’s campaign is better understood within the tradition of Canadian populism defined by an overarching ideological commitment to neoliberalism. In appealing to voters, Ford avoided the nativist and xenophobic rhetoric of populist leaders in the United States and Western Europe, offering a conception of ‘the people’ using an economic and anti-cosmopolitan discourse centred upon middle class taxpayers. This article makes a contribution to both the literatures on Canadian elections and populism, demonstrating the lineage of Ford’s ideological commitment to populism within recent Canadian electoral history, as well as Ford’s place within the international genealogy of right-wing populism.



2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Lowe ◽  
K. Gaudion ◽  
C. McGinley ◽  
Alex Kew

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore how a people-centred, design-led approach to the different needs and aspirations of adults with autism could help inform the design of space, objects and activities for individuals in their own homes to enhance everyday life experiences. There are dozens of studies that have reported the health benefits associated with good design and the Kingwood Trust set out to research what that might mean for the adults with autism it supports. Design/methodology/approach – The paper describes three projects: Housing Design, Garden Design and Exploring Sensory Preferences whose design interventions were realised through a process of design ethnography, to include and work with the people that Kingwood support who have limited verbal speech and learning disabilities. Participatory observation, co-design workshops, interviews, visual probes and mapping tools were created to gather insights about how a person perceives and engages with the physical environment, with a particular focus on their sensory sensitivities and special interests. Findings – The outcome of the project is a holistic, design-led approach to identifying the sensory preferences and special interests of adults with autism to inform the design of residential accommodation. A second project will be published at a later date, which will test and evaluate the effectiveness of the design interventions described in this paper as part of a PhD by practice supported by Kingwood Trust. Originality/value – Autistic adults with limited verbal speech and additional learning disabilities, are often excluded from design research. This paper bridges this gap by selecting and adapting design methods that invite the people that Kingwood support to be active participants within the design process. The revised DSM-5 is an important milestone that puts the sensory environment back onto the roadmap within autism research, however the relationship between people with autism and the physical environment is a relatively under-researched area. This paper bridges this gap in research and illustrates how an autistic person's interaction and reaction to their home environment, can create understanding, tangible insights and clues to inform the design and adaptation of environments to reduce triggers of anxiety, making them more comfortable, enjoyable and meaningful for that person.



1983 ◽  
Vol 16 (04) ◽  
pp. 678-682
Author(s):  
Charles V. Hamilton

Whether it is the politics of the nomination process, the politics of the general election, or the politics of governance, it is safe to say that all candidates will firmly announce that they represent “all the people.” Each will pronounce profusely that he or she “owes no one or no special interest group.” And each will insist that he or she will pursue policies based on principles, not on pressures.So much for the rhetoric, and it is quite expected and understandable. Of course, it is acceptable to be against “big government” or “big business” or “special interests.” That, too, is expected. A serious (meaning, even slightly possible) contender for, and occupant of the White House will not long remain so if he or she bluntly announces otherwise, that is, that one's candidacy is largely reliant on farmers, or business, or unions, or minorities (racial or otherwise).The reality, however, is frequently somewhat different, and it is not necessarily a matter of political cynicism to say this. The nature of the three forms of the electoral/ governance system almost dictates that people who strive to governonesystem develop strategies to appeal toseveralconstituencies. Specifically, in order to be nominated one must court delegates. In order to be elected, one must count state electoral votes. In order to govern, one must construct still other kinds of coalitions. Always, at each step, the system mandates strategies that disaggregate the electorate into manageable blocs and available constituencies.



1952 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 168-169
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2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Skladany
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Author(s):  
Michael A. Neblo ◽  
Kevin M. Esterling ◽  
David M. J. Lazer
Keyword(s):  


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