scholarly journals Political evolution of the Sevastopol workers and the far left of ‘Southern Russia’ during the French intervention in 1918–1919

Author(s):  
Denis Denisov

This article describes and analyses shifts in political preferences among Sevastopol workers during French intervention (November 1918 – May 1919). After outlining the social landscape of the city during the Russian Civil War, this paper focuses on the interactions between workers, foreign sailors and political parties. The aim of this article is to study the Bolshevisation of Sevastopol's working class based on the paths of several local workers. From the distribution of revolutionary leaflets to agitation in cafés, canteens, and factories, and many other illegal activities, what were the Bolsheviks' tactics to rally local workers to their cause?

2020 ◽  
pp. 461-471
Author(s):  
Andrey V. Ganin ◽  

The memoirs of general P. S. Makhrov are devoted to the events of 1939 and the campaign of the Red army in Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. Pyotr Semyonovich Makhrov was a General staff officer, participant of the Russian-Japanese war, World War I, and the Russian Civil war. In 1918, Makhrov lived in Ukraine, and in 1919-1920 he took part in the White movement in Southern Russia, after which he emigrated. In exile he lived in France, where he wrote his extensive memoirs. The events of September 1939 could not pass past his attention. At that time, the Red army committed approach in Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. Contrary to the widespread Anti-Sovietism among the white emigrants, Makhrov perceived the incident with enthusiasm as a return of Russia to its ancestral lands occupied by the Poles.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (6) ◽  
pp. 819-834
Author(s):  
Yewon Andrea Lee

Critical scholarship on gentrification has contributed significantly to bolstering the rights of working-class residents against the forces that price them out of the city. However, working-class residents are not the only ones who suffer from dispossession and displacement with rampant hyper-commodification of urban space. Based on the case of Seoul, I examine how new agents—tenant shopkeepers—emerged at the forefront of challenging gentrification and successfully reframed the problem of gentrification. Within the new frame, the shopkeepers who make their livelihoods by using urban spaces are pitted against the property owners who attempt to profit at the expense of their tenants. Through this case, I ask ‘How can radical shifts occur in the ways that the problem of gentrification is constructed?’ My answer draws upon the framing theory in the social movement literature which identifies conditions under which a radical departure from institutionalized ways and social norms can transpire even when the radical shift means challenging the entrenched power structure—in my case, the property-ownership-based rights regime. I highlight the importance of further developing a gentrification scholarship on social change that unravels the rise of new locations of resistance, particularly at a time when the advance of gentrification seems inevitable.


Author(s):  
Samsul Samsul ◽  
Zuli Qodir

The purpose of this research is to find out what causes the weakening of the capital of Andi's nobility in Palopo City in the selection of candidates for mayor and what is the role of Andi's nobility in political contestation. This type of research is descriptive qualitative. The results showed that the capital owned by Andi's aristocracy in Palopo City was. First, the social capital built by Andi's nobility had not been carried out in a structured way from relations with the general public, community leaders, with community organizations, to officials in the bureaucracy and most importantly, Political parties. Second, economic capital is an important thing that used in the Mayor Election contestation in the City of Palopo, Bangsawan Andi figure who escaped as a candidate for mayor does not yet have sufficient capital in terms of funds. Third, the cultural capital owned by Bangsawan Andi, who escaped as a candidate for mayor, still lacked a high bargaining value in political contestation in Palopo City. Fourth, the Symbolic Capital is a capital that sufficiently calculated in the mayor election dispute in Palopo City, namely the title of nobility obtained from the blood of the descendants of the Luwu kings, only it must be accompanied by other capital to elected in political contestation.


ILUMINURAS ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 15 (36) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ângela Bezerra

A Mina Brejuí, situada no município de Currais Novos (RN), foi responsável pelo crescimento da economia local entre os anos de 1943 de 1990, atraindo uma mão de obra de mineradores para o núcleo urbano. Após o fim da extração da scheelita, a mina foi transformada em um “Parque Temático”, em 2004. A empresa imprimiu sua marca na cidade com a construção de monumentos que fazem referencia à atividade mineira e ao seu fundador Tomaz Salustino. No script da história oficial da Mina Brejuí, a figura do “patrão” se sobrepõe à dos trabalhadores e as formas de patronagem, oriundas do mundo rural, seguiram pontuando as relações sociais na mina. Convém então coletar as memórias dos mineradores e perguntar em que medida eles fazem referencia a esta história como integrantes. Hoje, com a retomada da atividade, é possível que renasça o desejo de fortalecimento da classe operária e da identidade mineira no sertão do Seridó. Palavras-chaves: Memória. Identidade. Identidade Mineira. Patrimônio.From labour to legacy: a study on the identity of the miners and the patrimonialization of the mina Brejuí in Currais Novos/RNAbstractThe Brejuí Mine, situated in the municipality of Currais Novos (RN), was responsible for the local economy growth between the years of 1943 and 1990, causing the interest of miner's working class to its urban center. After the end of scheelita extraction, the mine became a "theme park", in 2004. The company left its mark on the city by building several monuments in reference to the mining activity and the company's founder, Tomaz Salustino. In the script of the official history of the Brejuí Mine, the "boss" figure overlaps the workers and that the forms patronage, originated from the rural world, followed punctuating the social relations in the mine. Therefore, it is important to investigate the miner’s memories and ask in what extent to which workers make reference to this history as members. Today, with the resumption of the mining activity, it is possible that the strengthening of the working class and the Seridó miner identity desire reborn.Keyword: Memory. Identity. Mining Identity. Patrimony. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nuria Sanchez Madrid

This paper tackles the construction of social and political values that contemporary Alt-Right politics foster. Its aim will be, first, to tackle the values that Alt-Right parties are spreading at a global scale from the last decade. Second, I will focus on how they address the most precarious social groups for increasing their supporters and how they have built a new model of the social order that gainsays human and civil rights. Finally, I will give an account of some reasons that explain the social failure of classical Leftist political parties, also attempting to transform the ways they accost the former ‘working class’. I engage a dialogue with Zeynep Gambetti and Vladimir Safatle, as both authors have centrally addressed the cultural struggle that populist right parties accomplish on a global scale.


1997 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 1127-1134 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTOPHER READ

Nicholas II. Emperor of all the Russias. By D. Lieven. London: Pimlico, 1995. Pp. 292. ISBN 0-719-54994-9. £10.00.The Russian Revolution, 1917–1921: a short history. By J. D. White. London: Edward Arnold, 1994. Pp. 312. ISBN 0-340-53910-0. £12.99.The origins of the Russian civil war. By G. Swain. London: Longman, 1995. Pp. 296. ISBN 0-582-05968-2. £13.99.Behind the front lines of the civil war: political parties and social movements in Russia, 1918–1922. By V. N. Brovkin. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994. Pp. 455. ISBN 0-691-03278-5. £40.00.America's secret war against Bolshevism: U.S. intervention in the Russian civil war, 1917–1920. By D. S. Foglesong. Chapel Hill and London: North Carolina University Press, 1995. Pp. 386. ISBN 0-807-82228-0. $45–00.


Author(s):  
Melissa Daggett

The advent of Modern American Spiritualism took place in the 1850s and continued as a viable faith into the 1870s. Because of its diversity and openness to new cultures and religions, New Orleans provided fertile ground to nurture Spiritualism, and many séance circles flourished in the Faubourgs Tremé and Marigny as well as the American sector of the city. This book focuses on Le Cercle Harmonique, the francophone séance circle of Henry Louis Rey, a Creole of color who was a key civil rights activist, author, and Civil War and Reconstruction leader. His life has remained largely in the shadows of New Orleans historiography owning, in part, to a language barrier. The book weaves an intriguing historical tale of the supernatural, chaotic postbellum politics, and the personal triumphs and tragedies of Henry Louis Rey. Besides Rey’s séance circle, there is also a discussion about the Anglo-American séance circles in New Orleans. The book places these séance circles within the context of the national scene, and the genesis of nineteenth-century Spiritualism is examined with a special emphasis placed on events in New York and Boston. The lifetime of Henry Rey and that of his father, Barthélemy Rey, spanned the nineteenth century, and mirror the social and political dilemmas of the black Creoles. The book concludes with a comparison of Spiritualism with the Spiritualist and Spiritual churches, as well as voodoo. The book’s narrative is accompanied by wonderful illustrations, reproductions of the original spiritual communications, and photographs.


1971 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-178
Author(s):  
G. Ramu

This paper studies the factors of migration among the Paraiyans of South India. Migration is motivated by a desire to be free from the stigma of Untouchability and perpetual economic bondage. The Paraiyans by coming over to an industrial city try to project a new self free from the social constraints prevalent in their villages. The process of acculturation occurs through the Paraiyan's association with disparate individuals, clubs, trade unions and political parties. Migration to the city has caused them to feel a sense of emancipation from their Untouchable status and occupational immobility.


1978 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-495
Author(s):  
David Coombes

The object in trying to compare the relationship between trade unions and working-class political parties in these four countries was to see how far the relationship had changed in response to certain trends supposed to be common to the countries concerned. The trends were: (i) the changing role of working-class parties themselves; (ii) the decline of political representation, especially by parliamentary means, in favour of direct action; (iii) the growth of government in the social and economic sphere and increasing direct participation by trade unions in governmental decision-making. It was considered important to look at these countries together in view of their growing economic and political interdependence, in spite of fundamental differences among them which affect the roles both of political parties and of trade unions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 82 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-48
Author(s):  
Graziana Corica

The 2019 municipal elections in Florence confirm the electoral success of the Democratic Party and the Mayor, Dario Nardella. The center-right candidate, Ubaldo Bocci, an entrepreneur and member of local catholic associations, collected 25% of the votes. The Five Star Movement, with Roberto De Blasi as mayoral candidate, and the left candidate Antonella Bundu got about 7% of the electoral preferences each.In which areas of the city did the PD win? Is it possible establish a causal relation between voting behaviour, the neighbourhood and sociodemographic variables? To answer these questions, the article examines the electoral results through a geographical approach, based on the 72 «elementary areas» of Florence and other variables provided by ISTAT. This analysis identifies four macro-areas, distinguished for the different combinations of the presence of the political parties. Overall, the preferences collected by the PD, more than 50%, make difficult to found a link between the vote and the social background.In order to understand the electoral success of the PD and of local politicians other factors, like political culture or specific contextual features, have to be taken into consideration. Indeed, from a qualitative perspective, this contribution suggests to consider Florence as a «urban regime», composed by several actors who share interests and visions about the growth of the city.


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