Post-disaster Development Zones and Dry Ports as Geopolitical Infrastructures in Nepal

Author(s):  
Galen Murton

Economic activity is central to development zones and represents a core dynamic from which a host of other relationships radiate outwards. While economic logics consistently motivate and produce the development of such zones, the resultant activities are always much more than economic. That is, the development of development zones also sets in motion new configurations of political power and socio-spatial domination. Following this line of thinking, this chapter examines the proliferating development of new import-export dry ports in the Nepal-China borderlands to understand how geopolitical relationships are grounded, localised, and reconfigured through infrastructural projects. Taking Nepal’s post-disaster development landscape as both a point of departure and site of inquiry, I show that the making of development zones in post-disaster environments accomplishes interrelated objectives of state-led territorialisation and economic expansion across a range of social and spatial scales.

Author(s):  
Charles Hartman

This chapter looks at how the Song dynasty (960–1279) reconsolidated central power and eliminated the provincial regimes that had developed in the wake of Tang decentralization. During the first thirty years after 960, they fostered astute policies that promoted and took advantage of continuing economic expansion. To administer their new polity, the Song emperors recruited through the examination system a new class of bureaucratic elite that Western writings on China often call the ‘literati’. The aristocrats of Tang had given way to the merchants and bureaucrats of Song. However, although the Song expanded Chinese economic and political power into South China, it never completed the conquest of all the traditional Chinese lands in the north. The Song coexisted with a series of alien or conquest dynasties to its north and west.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 61-76
Author(s):  
Lal Rapacha

In Nepal‘s context, concepts like 'development' and 'prosperity' are two age-old (suppressive Rana oligarchy, uni-Panchayat regime and its aftermath) mirages chased by rulers for the ruled ones almost seem to be unattainable. Nevertheless, the mirages of 'development' and 'prosperity' can be materialized when one readily changes his/her antediluvian attitude of fatalism (Bista 1991) and low work ethics. In a recent political paradigm shift from unitary monarchism-oligarchy to multi-party federalism, those two mirages have again been reiterated as Nepalese people's dream and discourse (claimed as Oli-vision) in political arena. In our recent practice, federalism is in its infancy and as a form of government may not matter much first about separating or devolution of political power more effectively, avoiding the power concentration and bringing government responsibilities closer to the citizens. In fact, what acutally matters is its action-oriented effective implementation for separating 'development' from 'fatalism' before it turns frequently into a vicious nightmare. Thus, this paper aims to explore some pertinent aspects or preconditions/hindrances of implementing federalism effictively for achieving the aforesaid goal of 'development' and 'prosperity' within our prevalent general socio-political and bureaucratic trend of 'Balaram syndrome' (a metaphor of ethical degradation of mankind), 'bholi' and 'chiya' syndrome, 'sida-bida' syndrome, nepotism, cronyism, medieval mindset, malpractices of blind capitalism and absence of good governance. In this paper, my main point of departure in methodological tool as such is a closer observation of socio-political trends in Nepalese society and its relevant literature.


2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 375-398
Author(s):  
CLAUDE MARKOVITS

AbstractTaking as its point of departure David Washbrook's essay ‘The Indian Economy and the British Empire’, this article takes a more detailed look at some episodes in the history of British India in the era of the Company Raj, with a view to placing them within a broader imperial framework, as advocated by Washbrook. The first part of the article examines, through an array of case studies, the actual contribution made by the Company to ‘global’ British expansion, concluding that it invested a lot of (Indian) blood and money in ventures from which it derived little benefit, as in the case of the expeditions to Manila (1762), Ceylon (1795), and Java (1811). It is shown that the Company's interests were ultimately sacrificed to the necessity of maintaining the European balance of power through consideration of the colonial interests of minor European powers such as Portugal or the Netherlands. While the Company saw its interests thus overlooked in the ‘global’ imperial arena, it could not find compensation in increased economic activity in India itself. Although the compulsions of ‘military-fiscalism’ largely explain such an outcome, we should not lose sight of the role of Indian agency in limiting the Company's options, as is shown by a rapid look at the history of both labour and capital markets, which the Company did not succeed in bending completely to its needs.


1925 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 707-717 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold D. Lasswell

While it is true that every writer on politics has been to some degree an observer of psychological facts, the significance of this has never been so apparent to systematic students as it is today; otherwise, writings of considerable merit in political psychology could scarcely have suffered the fate of the two books referred to in the present study and have disappeared from sight. Dr. J. G. Zimmerman's Essay on National Pride, published at Zürich in 1758, might very well have been the point of departure for extended research into the nature of patriotism and international attitudes; Gottfried Duden's inquiry, Concerning the Essential Differences of States and the Motives of Human Nature, published at Cologne in 1822, stated problems and suggested methods for the examination of the realities of political power which ought to have inspired a century of minute research. Both books fell flat, and it is only in this day of numerous soundings in psychological politics that it has become worthwhile to disinter them.That a book about national pride should have been published two years after the beginning of the Seven Years' War is a sharp reminder that European politics had undergone a transformation. The Reformation was undoubtedly a nationalist movement in many of its phases, but it introduced a series of sectional and party disturbances which intercepted the progress of nationalism. These had subsided, and by the eighteenth century the clash of competing imperialisms became not only a basic fact but a fact of which the men of the age were aware.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilan Noy ◽  
T Vu

We examine the effects of natural disasters on income and investment in China. Using macro-economic province-level data and the provincial history of disaster exposure over the past two decades, we describe the relationship between disaster mortality and morbidity, disasters’ economic damages, government investment and regional economic activity and infrastructure development. The Chinese government’s aggressive investment in post-disaster reconstruction is discussed, and the implications of this investment for post-disaster private sector economic activity are analyzed empirically. We further investigate the differential effects of natural disasters on economic activity in China’s diverse geographical regions. This is a post-peer-review, pre-copyedit version of an article published in 'Natural Hazards'. The final authenticated version is available online at: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11069-014-1274-5. The following terms of use apply: https://www.springer.com/gp/open-access/publication-policies/aam-terms-of-use.


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-156
Author(s):  
Tim Loughrist ◽  

In this paper, I argue that businesses bear a pro tanto, negative, moral obligation to refuse to engage in economic relationships with representatives of intolerable ideologies. For example, restaurants should refuse to serve those displaying Nazi symbols. The crux of this argument is the claim that normal economic activity is not a morally neutral activity but rather an exercise of political power. When a business refuses to engage with someone because of their membership in some group, e.g., Black Americans, this is a use of political power to signal that Black Americans are other. Conversely, when businesses engage with someone who is clearly representing an intolerable ideology, this is a use of political power that signals the acceptability of that ideology. Businesses should not do this.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilan Noy ◽  
T Vu

We examine the effects of natural disasters on income and investment in China. Using macro-economic province-level data and the provincial history of disaster exposure over the past two decades, we describe the relationship between disaster mortality and morbidity, disasters’ economic damages, government investment and regional economic activity and infrastructure development. The Chinese government’s aggressive investment in post-disaster reconstruction is discussed, and the implications of this investment for post-disaster private sector economic activity are analyzed empirically. We further investigate the differential effects of natural disasters on economic activity in China’s diverse geographical regions. This is a post-peer-review, pre-copyedit version of an article published in 'Natural Hazards'. The final authenticated version is available online at: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11069-014-1274-5. The following terms of use apply: https://www.springer.com/gp/open-access/publication-policies/aam-terms-of-use.


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