scholarly journals Frankistična vstaja kot oživitev rekonkviste: analiza »remedievalizacije«

2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-55
Author(s):  
Alejandro Rodríguez Díaz del Real

FRANCOIST UPRISING AS A REVIVAL OF THE RECONQUISTA: ANALYSIS OF "REMEDIEVALISATION"In his article the author emphasises the main reason for the military uprising against the Republican authorities in Spain. In the opinion of the conservative parts of the Spanish society, especially the military and the Catholic hierarchy, the main reason was that the republic was altering the essence of Spain. On the contrary, the Republicans understood their politics as the modernisation of Spain. The military uprising against the Republican authorities started in North Africa (in Melilla) on 17 June 1936. In the end of September of the same year, the Bishop of Salamanca blessed the coup d'état in his pastoral letter and designated the conflict as a righteous crusade. The military rebels adopted the red and yellow flag, introduced by Charles III of Bourbon at the end of the 18thcentury. They also tried to develop their own concept of a leader – a Führer – the so-called theory of caudillismo, which went hand in hand with the doctrine of the German NSDAP. They rejected parliamentary democracy and the rule of law as condemnable symptoms of the liberal period. The ideological momentum of the Francoist state was mostly based on falangism and national syndicalism. Franco himself believed in his divine mission. When the war ended in April of 1939, a difficult post-war period began. Many of the people who are still alive remember it as a period worse than the war itself.

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (324) ◽  
pp. 142-151
Author(s):  
Bogdan Chrzanowski

The regaining of the country’s independence, and then its revival after the war damages, including itseconomic infrastructure – these were the tasks set by the Polish government in exile, first in Paris and thenin London. The maritime economy was to play an important role here. The Polish government was fullyaware of the enormous economic and strategic benefits resulting from the fact that it had a coast, withthe port of Gdynia before the war. It was assumed that both in Gdynia and in the ports that were to belongto Poland after the war: Szczecin, Kołobrzeg, Gdańsk, Elbląg, Królewiec, the economic structure was to betransformed, and they were to become the supply points for Central and Eastern Europe. Work on thereconstruction of the post-war maritime economy was mainly carried out by the Ministry of Industry, Tradeand Shipping. In London, in 1942–1943, a number of government projects were set up to rebuild the entiremaritime infrastructure. All projects undertaken in exile were related to activities carried out by individualunderground divisions of the Polish Underground State domestically, i.e. the “Alfa” Naval Department of theHome Army Headquarters, the Maritime Department of the Military Bureau of Industry and Trade of the Headof the Military Bureau of the Home Army Headquarters and the Maritime Department of the Departmentof Industry Trade and Trade Delegation of the Government of the Republic of Poland in Poland. The abovementionedorganizational units also prepared plans for the reconstruction of the maritime economy, and theprojects developed in London were sent to the country. They collaborated here and a platform for mutualunderstanding was found.


Author(s):  
Michel S. Laguerre

Since the independence of Haiti in 1804, the military has played a central role in the governance of the republic, often accessing the presidency through the recurrent phenomenon of the coup d’état, which serves as both a principal mechanism for the transmission of power from one government to another and for reinforcing the domination of the military over the civilian population. The 19th-century model of the coup d’état reflected the de facto decentralization of the military as it was carried out through rebellions concocted and headed by army battalions stationed in the rural provinces. The U.S. occupation (1915–1934), by locating or relocating the military elite, the most prominent military bases, the largest contingent of the military officers and rank and file in the capital city, contributed to the reengineering of a new national infrastructure that facilitates a new model of the coup d’état to emerge: One that germinates among the high command of the military; one that takes the form of a corporate intervention; one that is made possible because of the high command’s control over tactical military weapons, including the heavy military equipment located in the capital city; and one that is swift, thereby preventing any provincial military base from mounting a meaningful or successful military counter-coup.


1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-54
Author(s):  
Ernest Nneji Emenyonu

The Nigerian civil war is now history. The Republic of Biafra lives in the pages of books, pamphlets, and newspapers. In that form, it is no threat to the people of Nigeria who, in a solemn oath of allegiance in January 1970, pledged to consign Biafra into oblivion and face the task of reconstruction and reconciliation. Biafra is now an issue only for historians who are plagued with the search for an answer to “what might have happened if…” But the war itself has left deep scars not only upon the lives of the survivors, but also on their beliefs and attitudes towards life. Unless he visits the right places in Nigeria, the visitor today may hear nothing and possibly see nothing to remind him of the war.


1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Brana-Shute

On 25 November 1985 the Republic of Suriname celebrated ten years of independent statehood. That decade witnessed a number of unexpected and quite extraordinary events in the former Dutch colony. Since the last free parliamentary elections in 1977, the country has endured: a military coup d'etat (1980) the arbitrary arrest and detainment of leaders of the “old” political parties (1980); the nullification of its constitution and civil rights (1980) and the imposition of a “state of emergency” (1982); the appointment by the military high command of five civilian cabinets (1981,1982,1983,1984, and 1985); a foreign and domestic policy that has swung erratically between far left and center; a cordial relationship with Cuba unceremoniously broken by Suriname following the US-led invasion of Grenada; the tragic and colossally stupid murder of 15 (possibly more) prominent Surinamers opposed to the revolution (1982); the suspension of more than US$1.5 billion dollars of Dutch foreign aid (1982); seven alleged counter-coups, one of which supposedly enjoyed the support of the CIA and several American mercenaries (1980-1984); deteriorating relations with the Netherlands, to the point where there is no ambassador in the Hague; a rather visionary attempt to dismantle the ethnic structure of pre-revo party politics by creating “one national party;” a cozy relationship with Libya under the guise of “cultural exchange;” and the rapid deterioration of a once booming economy. Now in 1986, in the midst of a dialogue with the “old” political parties, there is robust talk of a return to civilian government.


Author(s):  
E. Abdrassulov ◽  
◽  
Kh. Bazhay ◽  

The article provides a legal analysis of the specifics of changes and amendments to the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan, adopted at a republican referendum on August 30, 1995, for 25 years (1998, 2007, 2011, 2017, 2019). The analysis shows bold steps to enter the top 30 developed countries, creating our own model of the rule of law through democratic reforms as a result of constitutional reforms in the Republic of Kazakhstan. Particular attention was paid to the 2017 constitutional reform on the redistribution of powers between the branches of government. It provides the basis for strengthening the role and responsibility of parliament and government to citizens in connection with the transfer of powers of the president, the formation of a mechanism of “feedback” between the people and the government through the creation of public councils under central and local executive bodies to express and take into account the views of civil society. In support of the implementation of the reforms are given consistent legal recommendations and logical opinions on the issue of constitutional development.


1966 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 106-111
Author(s):  
U. U. Uche

On Thursday, February 24th, 1966, there was a military takeover of the Government of Ghana by the Ghana Army. Before the coup, Ghana was a sovereign unitary republic under a one-party régime. The President and the National Assembly made up the Parliament of the Republic. All Cabinet and other Ministers, except the President, were members of the National Assembly. Ministers were appointed by, responsible to and dismissible by the President. The President had veto powers over any Bills passed by the National Assembly and could in any case dissolve the Assembly in the event of a disagreement with the latter. The Chief Justice and other judges were appointed and dismissible by the President. From the above it is easy to see that the President constituted and dominated the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary of the country. What we propose to do here is to spotlight such constitutional and other changes in the law of Ghana as there have been since the coup d'état.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-23
Author(s):  
AKHAND SHARIF SURID

On May 27th the Republic of Turkey faced her first full-fledged Military takeover (Coup). As it is said, “A Coup is never just a Coup”. This review article provides a summary of the atmosphere before and after the coup of 1960 and a critical analysis of the democratic promises it brought. This Paper analyzes different terms used to identify the event such as revolution, insurrection, intervention, and coup. It also discusses the tradition of regular military intervention in the history of the Republic of Turkey. Since the transition to democracy and the multiparty system was not natural this paper also indicates the absence of democratic culture in Turkish history.  After 27th May, Turkey was led to the new constitutional structure of 1961. As it is said, the 1924 Constitution that established the first Republic of Turkey was wiped out with a coup and the 1961 Constitution and the Second Republic was established (Dursun, 2005:187). Since then until recent times the military could not separate itself from the political life of Turkey. The following discussions enclose; the origin of the 1960 Coup, the Aftermath, the Conspiracies, the Civilian Military relationship, Traditional and Historical views, Kemalist Principles, Government citizen dialogues, and Socio-economic backwardness. This critical analysis went through different interesting and easily misunderstood concepts (such as Revolt, Revolution, Military takeover, etc.).


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 645
Author(s):  
Dhanar Dhono Vernandhie ◽  
Sri Kusriyah Kusriyah

This study describes the applicability of Qanun of Aceh No. 6 of 2014 on the Jinayat law (Qanun of Jinayat) in the order of legislation in Indonesia. Therefore this study to analyze these issues, to examine the legality principle as stated in Article 72 of the Qanun of Jinayat and the rule of law by applying the Qanun of Jinayat. This study uses normative research approach, by analyzing the legal ingredients of primary legal materials, secondary and tertiary. The results and discussion of the research was that Qanun of Jinayat not contrary to the order of Indonesian legislation, both formal legislative process and substantive elements of the rule of law which includes setting legal subjects, actions and sanctions of criminalization. Applicability of Qanun of Jinayat also related to three factors, namely philosophical which is a reflection of the values of the people of Aceh, sociological factors are the result of legal politics of the Government of the Republic of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement and the factors juridical is the order of the constitution and legislation that higher. Qanun of Jinayat law enforcement requires the law enforcement agencies, particularly the police for continued and consistent enforcement in order to create legal certainty. Suggestions can be submitted is law enforcement-led policy-making and increased synergies between law enforcement agencies in law enforcement for action based on Qanun of Jinayat Jarimah regulated in Qanun of Jinayat.Keywords: Qanun of Jinayat in Aceh; Legality; Legislation; Law Enforcement.�


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-297
Author(s):  
Hendra Sudrajat ◽  
Beggy Tamara

The rule of law provides guarantees for human rights and popular sovereignty through the constitution. The 1945 Constitution of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia is the highest constitution of Indonesia as the foundation for the implementation of the rule of law of democracy. With the rolling of reforms by amending the constitution to establish new formats of regional government, including the construction of ideal regional regulations. The ideal regional regulation is one that is able to provide solutions to various community problems through binding regulations. The type of research used is normative legal research using a statutory approach or statute approach and a case approach or case approach. the statutory approach or statute approach is to use the regional regulation approach. The establishment of regional regulations is the authority of the Regional People's Legislative Assembly together with the Regional Head, but sometimes raises various problems, namely the role of the regional government more strongly than the people in the process of drafting regional regulations without accommodating the aspirations of the people, including the formation of regional regulations as a form of democracy and participation in the regions. Community participation in the process of forming Regional Regulation Number 2 of 2015 concerning Participatory Child Protection in the City of Tangerang Banten Province is very important to realize a democratic state of law through aspirational regional regulations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Alexandra Carleton

Constitutionalism may be gaining ascendancy in many countries in Africa. Yet thorough investigation of the extent to which current constitutions accord to the people their internationally recognised right to governance of their mineral wealth under Article 1(2) of the ICCPR has been lacking. Understanding the existing framework of rights which may support claims to land and natural resources is important. Constitutions of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Zambia demonstrate the reality of multiple, overlapping land interests and the limitations upon a people's claim to freely govern their mineral wealth.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document