Španska državljanska vojna v kontekstu slovenskih in jugoslovanskih razmer med svetovnima vojnama

2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-89
Author(s):  
Božo Repe
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Public Life ◽  
The Public ◽  
Religious Schism

SPANISH CIVIL WAR IN THE CONTEXT OF THE SLOVENIAN AND YUGOSLAV CIRCUMSTANCES BETWEEN BOTH WORLD WARSThe author describes the division of the Slovenian society in the 1930s concerning the Spanish Civil War. Slovenian history was marked by various ideological schisms – from Christianisation and anti-Reformation in the 16thcentury to the longest lasting ideological-religious schism of the 20thcentury, which had begun at the end of the 19thcentury, in the time when political parties had been formed. At that time the Catholic camp, under the influence of Dr. Anton Mahnič, wanted to organise the public life in the Slovenian provinces according to the principles of extreme Catholicism. The polarisation continued during the interwar period, especially in the 1930s, where we should search for the roots of the wartime fratricidal conflict. Slovenians are still divided along these lines, and the schism surfaces at every possible occasion, for example during elections or celebrations. We are burdened by it to the point where it actually prevents us from becoming a modern nation or at least hinders the process of its formation. The assessment of the Spanish Civil War, even more than 70 years thereafter, still remains essentially controversial, just as it was back then. This holds true for the Slovenian as well as for the European (nowadays mostly conservative) society.

Local Government, Passive Defense and Aerial Bombardment in Barcelona during the Spanish Civil War, 1936–9

2021 ◽  
pp. 002200942199789
Author(s):  
David A. Messenger
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Regular Feature ◽  
The Public ◽  
Republican Government ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Civilian Defense ◽  
Regional Authorities

The bombardment of civilians from the air was a regular feature of the Spanish Civil War from 1936 to 1939. It is estimated some 15,000 Spaniards died as a result of air bombings during the Civil War, most civilians, and 11,000 were victims of bombing from the Francoist side that rebelled against the Republican government, supported by German and Italian aviation that joined the rebellion against the Republic. In Catalonia alone, some 1062 municipalities experienced aerial bombardments by the Francoist side of the civil war. In cities across Spain, municipal and regional authorities developed detailed plans for civilian defense in response to these air campaigns. In Barcelona, the municipality created the Junta Local de Defensa Passiva de Barcelona, to build bomb shelters, warn the public of bombings, and educate them on how to protect themselves against aerial bombardment. They mobilized civilians around the concept of ‘passive defense.’ This proactive response by civilians and local government to what they recognized as a war targeting them is an important and under-studied aspect of the Spanish Civil War.

Woolf, Weeping Women, and the European mater dolorosa

2020 ◽  
pp. 143-158
Author(s):  
Gill Lowe
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Virginia Woolf ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Comic Books ◽  
The Public ◽  
War Photography ◽  
Three Guineas ◽  
Public Nature ◽  
Public Work ◽  
Film And Video

The gendered maxim ‘men must work and women must weep’ comes from Charles Kingsley's 1851 ballad 'The Three Fishers'. Virginia Woolf appropriated 'Women Must Weep' for early version of Three Guineas, serialised in The Atlantic Monthly (1938). This chapter argues that the public nature of Woolf’s polemical anti-fascist essay may, concurrently, be read as a more intimate document about personal grief and grievance. For Woolf her sister, Vanessa Bell, was the weeping woman, devastated by the tragic death in 1937 of Julian Bell in the Spanish Civil War. Duncan Grant drafted posters (reproduced here) to raise money for refugee Spanish children, employing the trope of mothers cradling babies. Woolf’s contemporary, the German artist Käthe Kollwitz, a mother bereaved twice by war, repeated the poignant pietà image in numerous anti-war pieces. Picasso, inspired by Dora Maar whom he regarded privately as ‘the weeping woman’, created sixty mater dolorosa works in preparation for his immense elegiac public work, ‘Guernica’ (1937). The chapter traces the powerful aesthetic of the sorrowful mother as a European anti-war figure. It concludes by considering how this iconography has been used cross-culturally and trans-historically. The pietà has been gender-flipped, adapted and plagiarised in war photography, murals, comic books, manga, fashion, film and video.

Scotland in the 1930s

2020 ◽  
pp. 20-33
Author(s):  
Fraser Raeburn
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Political Cultures ◽  
Industrial Decline ◽  
Scottish Politics ◽  
Interwar Era

Scotland suffered acutely from the economic and political crises of the interwar period, with industrial decline, mass unemployment and cultural uncertainty in evidence by the early 1920s. This chapter explores the consequences of this economic and social dislocation for Scottish politics in the lead up the late 1930s. Particular emphasis is given to left-wing politics and anti-unemployment activism, suggesting that the roots of a distinctively Scottish response to the Spanish Civil War lay in older radical political cultures that had survived and evolved into the interwar era.

Irish newspapers and the Spanish Civil War

2002 ◽  
Vol 33 (129) ◽  
pp. 68-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fearghal McGarry
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
George Orwell ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
International Diplomacy ◽  
Irish People ◽  
The Stability

Early in life I had noticed that no event is ever correctly reported in a newspaper, but in Spain for the first time, I saw newspaper reports which did not bear any relation to the facts, not even the relationship which is implied in an ordinary lie. I saw great battles reported where there had been no fighting, and complete silence where hundreds of men had been killed.George Orwell (1943)The Spanish Civil War was one of the most controversial conflicts of recent history. For many on the left, it was a struggle between democracy and fascism. In contrast, many Catholics and conservatives championed Franco as a crusader against communism. Others felt Spain was the beginning of an inevitable conflict between fascism and communism which had increasingly threatened the stability of inter-war Europe. Spain has remained a battleground of ideologies ever since. Many supporters of the Spanish Republic attribute its defeat to the failure of other democratic states to oppose fascism, a policy of appeasement which ultimately led to the Second World War; for others on the left, including Orwell, Spain came to symbolise the betrayal of socialism by the Soviet Union — a disillusioning suppression of liberty repeated in subsequent decades in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and elsewhere. Ireland was no less drawn to Spain than other European nations. Within months of the war breaking out, close to one thousand Irishmen were fighting among the armies of both sides on the frontlines around Madrid. But for most Irish people, influenced by the Catholic church and sensational newspaper reports of anticlerical atrocities, the ideological conflict was perceived to be between Catholicism and communism rather than left and right. The outbreak of the war was followed by an immense outpouring of popular sympathy for Franco’s Nationalists. During the autumn of 1936 the Irish Christian Front organised mass pro-Franco rallies which attracted the support of opposition politicians, clergymen and much of the public. The dissenting voices of support for the Spanish Republic emanating from the marginalised Irish left were ignored or, more often, suppressed. De Valera’s Fianna Fáil government expressed its support for Spain’s Catholics while, somewhat awkwardly, adopting a position of neutrality for reasons of international diplomacy.

Wojna na pomniki w Katalonii, czyli co zrobić z upamiętnieniem bitwy pod Ebro

2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (0) ◽  
pp. 11-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maja Biernacka
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
The Public ◽  
National Memory ◽  
Political Left ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City

War on Memorials in Catalonia. What to Do with Commemoration of the Battle of the Ebro The article discusses the conflicts taking place in public life over interpretation of the significance of places of national memory. The author presents them on the example of the dispute that arose in Spain over a memorial in the Catalan city of Tortosa. It commemorates the Battle of the Ebro, the military operation of the largest scale and consequences during the Spanish Civil War. The opponents of the memorial consider it as a testimony to the victory of Francoism and an unsightly and disgraceful element in the urban tissue. They appeal for its liquidation, while those arguing for its preservation and reinterpretation of the symbolic meaning treat it as an architecturally valuable distinguishing feature of the city. The fate of the controversial memorial does not rest solely in the hands of local authorities, but it has become a subject of political disagreement, disputes among residents and non-governmental activities. They are taking place against a background of the current legal basis of historical memory (Law 52/2007 of 26 December), which was developed by the political Left to compensate for the harm done to the victims of the Civil War and the Francoist dictatorship, and to implement changes in public space in connection with the traces of Francoism. However, its content leaves quite a big decision-making margin to the public authorities as to removing the traces of the regime from reinterpretation.

‘Old-fashioned modern’: Claude Flight's Lino-Cuts and Public Taste in the Interwar Period

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-408
Author(s):  
Hana Leaper
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
Modern Art ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Recreational Sports ◽  
Mass Market ◽  
The Public ◽  
Utopian Vision ◽  
Modern Age ◽  
Art Form ◽  
Manual Labour

In 1927, Claude Flight proposed that the linocut, a comparatively new art form, could create a new relationship between the modern public and modern art. It was, he theorised, ideally suited for the mass market as it was relatively small, it was relatively cheap, and its directness accorded with the spirit of the modern age. Many works by Flight and other artists of the Grosvenor School, at which Flight taught from 1926 to 1930, democratically aligned artist, subject, and viewer and focused on scenes of contemporary public life, from manual labour to recreational sports, mass spectator events to commuter experience. This article investigates the ambiguous middlebrow position of the Grosvenor School linocuts, which never achieved the widespread popularity that Flight anticipated or cultivated the broad, aspirational audience he envisioned for these works. It poses that Flight's utopian vision for mass modernism was frustrated by his limited comprehension of the ‘average man’ his linocuts sought to address, and the absence of suitable critical and commercial apparatus to enable the public to meet him on the terms he desired.

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