scholarly journals Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by Intervention Forces in Central African Republic

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Elijah Mwasi Mwanyika

Sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) continues to undermine UN operations thereby affecting the efficacy of these interventions. This study aims at investigating the extent of “allegations of SEA by intervention force with reference to UN intervention in contemporary African conflicts: A Case of Central Africa Republic (CAR).” This was a library-based research that relied on secondary data. Data was obtained from books, e-books, journals, UN publications and websites. The collected data was analysed thematically so as to establish the extent of allegations of sea by intervention force in CAR. The findings show that UN interventions force in CAR is faced with a myriad of challenges that affect its mandate execution. Much as there has been some positive output in MINUSCA operations, these successes have been shadowed by some of these challenges. SEA has been widespread in Central African Republic, though some of the allegations date before the UN intervention, the wide perception of the populace is that the UN forces are to blame. From the study it can also be concluded that the UN has its hands tied and has not been able to effectively enforce investigations by the TCCs since this a responsibility of the Troop/Police Contributing Countries (T/PCCs). Given the fact that the UN always faces a challenge of raising troops for PKOs it does not want to lose this ability further by blacklisting TCCs who fail to complete such investigations and punish the offenders. The system wide measures put in place in support of the ‘Zero tolerance policy” have not been effective. Since the study has established that SEA is a real challenge facing PKOs, there should also be effort to make sure that each country takes direct responsibility for the crimes perpetuated by their contingents and failure to complete investigations and conclude such cases should be enforced by strict penalties including banning from participation in Peacekeeping Operations (PKOs).

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 441-452
Author(s):  
Amelia Setyawati ◽  
Helda Risman ◽  
Surryanto D.W

Since independence from France in 1960, the Central African Republic (CAR) has never been free from conflict. Almost every turn of CAR leader begins with a coup d’etat. Resistance from the Seleka and Anti-Balaka rebel groups emerged and exacerbated the situation in CAR. The conflict that was originally an opposition-government conflict developed into a religious conflict. So the question arises regarding the efforts and involvement of third parties in maintaining peace in the CAR. The UN Security Council permits the spread of UN peacekeeping operations through The UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) on 10 April 2014 by protecting civilians as a top priority. The focus of this article is to analyze MINUSCA in carrying out its mandate in CAR. This article is analyzed with role theory and conflict theory. The data used in analyzing this article is secondary data. The data is obtained from books, scientific journals, dissertations or theses, official documents, and the internet. The results in this article find that the role played by MINUSCA in the CAR Conflict is as a peace facilitator. While carrying out their duties, MINUSCA plays a role in the protection of CAR civilians and the development of troop personnel in order to increase the effectiveness of missions in the CAR in order to create a peaceful and safe environment.


Author(s):  
Jasmine-Kim Westendorf

In the past fifteen years, despite the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security and the Secretary-General’s Bulletin on Zero Tolerance of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) by peacekeepers, abuse by interveners remains prevalent in peace operations. SEA is not only perpetrated by peacekeepers, but also aid workers, diplomats, private contractors, and others associated with interventions. This chapter maps the extent and main characteristics of SEA in peace operations, and investigates the ways the international community has attempted to prevent and hold individuals accountable for SEA. It provides an assessment of the weaknesses in the existing WPS framework regarding SEA, particularly in terms of its engagement with masculinities, capital, and other permissive factors that make SEA such a central feature of peacekeeping operations.


2007 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 657-676 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noëlle Quénivet

AbstractAs a growing number of stories unravelled the involvement of United Nations peacekeepers in human trafficking and sexual exploitation cases, the United Nations adopted in 2003 and implemented a zero-tolerance policy towards sexual encounters between peacekeepers and local women. This article argues that this policy is flawed for a number of reasons. First, it does not apply to all United Nations-related personnel and thereby fails to target those who are mostly engaged in such activities. Second, it only provides for disciplinary measures, a flaw only partially remedied by the draft convention on the criminal accountability of United Nations officials and experts on mission. Third, it does not take into account the jurisprudence of international criminal tribunals on sexual offences, for it negates the possibility of consent.


2014 ◽  
Vol 18 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jena McGill

This paper investigates the zero tolerance policy on sexual exploitation and sexual abuse by United Nations peacekeepers as it relates to survival sex in peacekeeping economies. Understanding the policy as a form of discursive power, the analysis seeks to reveal the effects of zero tolerance by asking: what is obscured about survival sex in peacekeeping economies when it is viewed through the lens of zero tolerance, and to whose benefit? The argument is that zero tolerance is a poor policy framework to address peacekeeper engagement in survival sex because it fails to grapple with the complex set of economic circumstances that give rise to survival sex decision-making by girls and women in peacekeeping economies. In light of the failures of zero tolerance, a rights-based approach to survival sex in peacekeeping economies represents a more promising means of addressing the issue to the benefit of local girls and women.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-205
Author(s):  
Rebecca Pollard ◽  
Claire Ferguson

International studies indicate a growing problem of intimate partner violence within military families. Despite this, there has been little research into intimate partner violence perpetrated by Australian Defence Force personnel or veterans. A thematic analysis of secondary data was conducted to explore the organisational and social drivers that influence intimate partner violence occurrences by Australian Defence Force personnel, and how the Australian Defence Force enforces its zero-tolerance policy on domestic violence perpetration. Results revealed that the Australian Defence Force and Department of Veteran Affairs made no statements regarding intimate partner violence as a problem for military personnel, despite this study indicating that this population are at a greater risk of perpetration. The Australian Defence Force attributed intimate partner violence causation to ‘abnormal’ individuals or situations. This ignores the culture of hypermasculinity and emphasis on operational effectiveness that was enforced during Australian Defence Force training, and that emerged as a continuous theme throughout the results.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 213-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ginevra Le Moli

This article explores the tension between autonomy and accountability of international organizations with a focus on the role of the United Nations in the context of peacekeeping operations. What triggered the interest in this particular matter was the recent failure by the UN in the Central African Republic to prevent and respond to allegations of sexual exploitation and/or abuse crimes committed by UN peacekeepers. A more theoretical analysis of the meaning of autonomy in the law of international organizations will be followed by a practical examination of issues of accountability and existing mechanisms to address them. The assessment of the current legal and judicial framework is followed by a further exploration of the main challenges and possible alternative solutions to bridge the gap between two mutually constitutive concepts. The primary (and modest) purpose of this analysis is to attempt to plant legal seeds that can not only grow into an ethical and accountable culture within the un but also be instrumental in preventing abuses and be strong enough to remain in place when the public spotlight on crimes has been turned off.


2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Bruce ‘Ossie’ Oswald

Since 2003, the un has sought to develop responses to combat sexual exploitation and abuse by un personnel serving on peace operations. Almost 15 years later, the un is still facing challenges in dealing effectively with allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse committed by peacekeepers. With the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2272 (2016) on 11 March 2016; the un Secretary-General’s reports of 16 February and 23 June 2016; and General Assembly Resolution A/res/70/286 in 2016; the un appears to have stepped up its efforts to combat sexual exploitation and abuse by peacekeepers. The first part of this paper seeks to outline the development of the un’s strategy to deal with sexual exploitation and abuse by peacekeepers. The second part identifies the key issues that underlie the un’s strategy. The third part reflects on three components of that strategy: the zero tolerance policy for sexual exploitation and abuse by peacekeepers, the accountability of un peacekeepers where allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse have been substantiated, and reparations for victims of sexual exploitation and abuse by un peacekeepers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (suppl 1) ◽  
pp. bjgp20X711125
Author(s):  
Sebastian Kalwij

BackgroundThe NHS Workforce Race Equality Standard (WRES) was introduced in 2015 and is mandatory for NHS trusts. Nine indicators have been created to evaluate the experiences of black and minority ethnic (BME) staff compared with the rest of the workforce. The trust data published showed a poor experience of BME staff compared with non BME staff.AimTo introduce the concept of WRES into general practice and create a baseline from which improvement can be made. A diverse workforce will better serve its population and this will improve health outcomes.MethodWe conducted a survey among all general practice staff members, clinicians, and non-clinicians and asked open-ended questions built around four WRES indicators most applicable to general practice, over a 6-week period in August and September 2019.ResultsWe collected 151 responses out of a total workforce of around 550. The response rate between clinicians and non-clinicians was equal 50.6% versus 49.4%. The distribution of non BME staff 51% versus BME staff 49% mirrors the diverse population of Lewisham. 54% of BME staff experienced bullying from patients, their relatives, and members of the public. 25% experienced bullying from a colleague or staff member in the workplace and 22% of BME staff changed jobs as a result of this.ConclusionBME staff in general practice report high levels of racism, especially from service users. In 22% this led to a career change. A zero-tolerance policy needs to be enforced and a multi-pronged approach is required to address this.


Author(s):  
Richard Gowan

During Ban Ki-moon’s tenure, the Security Council was shaken by P5 divisions over Kosovo, Georgia, Libya, Syria, and Ukraine. Yet it also continued to mandate and sustain large-scale peacekeeping operations in Africa, placing major burdens on the UN Secretariat. The chapter will argue that Ban initially took a cautious approach to controversies with the Council, and earned a reputation for excessive passivity in the face of crisis and deference to the United States. The second half of the chapter suggests that Ban shifted to a more activist pressure as his tenure went on, pressing the Council to act in cases including Côte d’Ivoire, Libya, and Syria. The chapter will argue that Ban had only a marginal impact on Council decision-making, even though he made a creditable effort to speak truth to power over cases such as the Central African Republic (CAR), challenging Council members to live up to their responsibilities.


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