Whose Zero Tolerance Counts? Reassessing a Zero Tolerance Policy against Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by UN Peacekeepers

2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Machiko Kanetake
2007 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 657-676 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noëlle Quénivet

AbstractAs a growing number of stories unravelled the involvement of United Nations peacekeepers in human trafficking and sexual exploitation cases, the United Nations adopted in 2003 and implemented a zero-tolerance policy towards sexual encounters between peacekeepers and local women. This article argues that this policy is flawed for a number of reasons. First, it does not apply to all United Nations-related personnel and thereby fails to target those who are mostly engaged in such activities. Second, it only provides for disciplinary measures, a flaw only partially remedied by the draft convention on the criminal accountability of United Nations officials and experts on mission. Third, it does not take into account the jurisprudence of international criminal tribunals on sexual offences, for it negates the possibility of consent.


2014 ◽  
Vol 18 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jena McGill

This paper investigates the zero tolerance policy on sexual exploitation and sexual abuse by United Nations peacekeepers as it relates to survival sex in peacekeeping economies. Understanding the policy as a form of discursive power, the analysis seeks to reveal the effects of zero tolerance by asking: what is obscured about survival sex in peacekeeping economies when it is viewed through the lens of zero tolerance, and to whose benefit? The argument is that zero tolerance is a poor policy framework to address peacekeeper engagement in survival sex because it fails to grapple with the complex set of economic circumstances that give rise to survival sex decision-making by girls and women in peacekeeping economies. In light of the failures of zero tolerance, a rights-based approach to survival sex in peacekeeping economies represents a more promising means of addressing the issue to the benefit of local girls and women.


2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Bruce ‘Ossie’ Oswald

Since 2003, the un has sought to develop responses to combat sexual exploitation and abuse by un personnel serving on peace operations. Almost 15 years later, the un is still facing challenges in dealing effectively with allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse committed by peacekeepers. With the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2272 (2016) on 11 March 2016; the un Secretary-General’s reports of 16 February and 23 June 2016; and General Assembly Resolution A/res/70/286 in 2016; the un appears to have stepped up its efforts to combat sexual exploitation and abuse by peacekeepers. The first part of this paper seeks to outline the development of the un’s strategy to deal with sexual exploitation and abuse by peacekeepers. The second part identifies the key issues that underlie the un’s strategy. The third part reflects on three components of that strategy: the zero tolerance policy for sexual exploitation and abuse by peacekeepers, the accountability of un peacekeepers where allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse have been substantiated, and reparations for victims of sexual exploitation and abuse by un peacekeepers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Elijah Mwasi Mwanyika

Sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) continues to undermine UN operations thereby affecting the efficacy of these interventions. This study aims at investigating the extent of “allegations of SEA by intervention force with reference to UN intervention in contemporary African conflicts: A Case of Central Africa Republic (CAR).” This was a library-based research that relied on secondary data. Data was obtained from books, e-books, journals, UN publications and websites. The collected data was analysed thematically so as to establish the extent of allegations of sea by intervention force in CAR. The findings show that UN interventions force in CAR is faced with a myriad of challenges that affect its mandate execution. Much as there has been some positive output in MINUSCA operations, these successes have been shadowed by some of these challenges. SEA has been widespread in Central African Republic, though some of the allegations date before the UN intervention, the wide perception of the populace is that the UN forces are to blame. From the study it can also be concluded that the UN has its hands tied and has not been able to effectively enforce investigations by the TCCs since this a responsibility of the Troop/Police Contributing Countries (T/PCCs). Given the fact that the UN always faces a challenge of raising troops for PKOs it does not want to lose this ability further by blacklisting TCCs who fail to complete such investigations and punish the offenders. The system wide measures put in place in support of the ‘Zero tolerance policy” have not been effective. Since the study has established that SEA is a real challenge facing PKOs, there should also be effort to make sure that each country takes direct responsibility for the crimes perpetuated by their contingents and failure to complete investigations and conclude such cases should be enforced by strict penalties including banning from participation in Peacekeeping Operations (PKOs).


2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (suppl 1) ◽  
pp. bjgp20X711125
Author(s):  
Sebastian Kalwij

BackgroundThe NHS Workforce Race Equality Standard (WRES) was introduced in 2015 and is mandatory for NHS trusts. Nine indicators have been created to evaluate the experiences of black and minority ethnic (BME) staff compared with the rest of the workforce. The trust data published showed a poor experience of BME staff compared with non BME staff.AimTo introduce the concept of WRES into general practice and create a baseline from which improvement can be made. A diverse workforce will better serve its population and this will improve health outcomes.MethodWe conducted a survey among all general practice staff members, clinicians, and non-clinicians and asked open-ended questions built around four WRES indicators most applicable to general practice, over a 6-week period in August and September 2019.ResultsWe collected 151 responses out of a total workforce of around 550. The response rate between clinicians and non-clinicians was equal 50.6% versus 49.4%. The distribution of non BME staff 51% versus BME staff 49% mirrors the diverse population of Lewisham. 54% of BME staff experienced bullying from patients, their relatives, and members of the public. 25% experienced bullying from a colleague or staff member in the workplace and 22% of BME staff changed jobs as a result of this.ConclusionBME staff in general practice report high levels of racism, especially from service users. In 22% this led to a career change. A zero-tolerance policy needs to be enforced and a multi-pronged approach is required to address this.


2012 ◽  
pp. 72-83
Author(s):  
Elisabetta Grande

Building new prisons is not a solution for prison overcrowding; to the contrary, it is part of the problem. This is the U.S. Supreme Court's lesson in one of its most recent decisions, Brown v. Plata, confirming the previous order of a three-judge court to reduce California's prison population by around 40.000 persons within two years. Finding cruel and unusual the punishment imposed to prisoners in California, because of the terrible conditions in serving their sentence, the Court shows the ultimate failure of a sentencing system based upon incapacitation and a zero tolerance policy. Public safety is better served without rather than with prisons: this seems to be the message that Brown v. Plata is sending to legislators, administrators and citizens. It is a message that Europeans and Italians should listen to very carefully.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 006-009
Author(s):  
Ali Kemal Erenler ◽  
Seval Komut ◽  
Ahmet Baydin

Workplace violence (WPV) is a growing public health problem worldwide affecting physical and mental health of healthcare providers. It has many deterious consequences such as anxiety, burnout and intention to leave the job. With the pandemic, it is assumed that the incidence of workplace violence tends to increase. Particularly, misinformation about the nature of the disease create prejudice against staff working in healthcare facilities. There are several measures to be taken for prevention of physical and mental health of healthcare providers. A “zero-tolerance policy against violence” should be implemented. Doctors and nurses should be encouraged to report incidents. Social support should be provided for the personnel. In this review, our aim was to clarify if there is an increase in the incidence of WPV against healthcare providers in the pandemic process. We also aimed to make recommendations about measures that must be taken to prevent healthcare providers from detrimental effects of WPV.


Author(s):  
Katherine Irwin ◽  
Karen Umemoto

In chapter six we juxtapose the work of compassionate adults against the harsh “zero-tolerance” policy environment and highlight the positive impacts of caring adults on youth at critical times in adolescence. We begin with a brief review of the rise of “zero-tolerance” policies and how they took shape nationally and in Hawai‘i. We hear the stories of June and Auggie, who experienced the punitive sting of the juvenile justice system as teens under this policy environment. We contrast that with examples of school and court professionals who made a marked difference in the lives of youth and explore the meaning and importance of discretionary power using an “ethic of care.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 266-275
Author(s):  
Sarah O’Neill ◽  
Dina Bader ◽  
Cynthia Kraus ◽  
Isabelle Godin ◽  
Jasmine Abdulcadir ◽  
...  

Abstract Purpose of Review Based on the discussions of a symposium co-organized by the Université Libre de Bruxelles (ULB) and the University of Lausanne (UNIL) in Brussels in 2019, this paper critically reflects upon the zero-tolerance strategy on “Female Genital Mutilation” (FGM) and its socio-political, legal and moral repercussions. We ask whether the strategy is effective given the empirical challenges highlighted during the symposium, and also whether it is credible. Recent Findings The anti-FGM zero-tolerance policy, first launched in 2003, aims to eliminate all types of “female genital mutilation” worldwide. The FGM definition of the World Health Organization condemns all forms of genital cutting (FGC) on the basis that they are harmful and degrading to women and infringe upon their rights to physical integrity. Yet, the zero-tolerance policy only applies to traditional and customary forms of genital cutting and not to cosmetic alterations of the female genitalia. Recent publications have shown that various popular forms of cosmetic genital surgery remove the same tissue as some forms of “FGM”. In response to the zero-tolerance policy, national laws banning traditional forms of FGC are enforced and increasingly scrutinize the performance of FGC as well as non-invasive rituals that are culturally meaningful to migrants. At the same time, cosmetic procedures such as labiaplasty have become more popular than ever before and are increasingly performed on adolescents. Summary This review shows that the socio-legal and ethical inconsistencies between “FGM” and cosmetic genital modification pose concrete dilemmas for professionals in the field that need to be addressed and researched.


Author(s):  
Jasmine-Kim Westendorf

In the past fifteen years, despite the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security and the Secretary-General’s Bulletin on Zero Tolerance of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) by peacekeepers, abuse by interveners remains prevalent in peace operations. SEA is not only perpetrated by peacekeepers, but also aid workers, diplomats, private contractors, and others associated with interventions. This chapter maps the extent and main characteristics of SEA in peace operations, and investigates the ways the international community has attempted to prevent and hold individuals accountable for SEA. It provides an assessment of the weaknesses in the existing WPS framework regarding SEA, particularly in terms of its engagement with masculinities, capital, and other permissive factors that make SEA such a central feature of peacekeeping operations.


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