scholarly journals Shaftesbury, Locke, and Their Revolutionary Letter? [Corrigendum]

Locke Studies ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
D. N. DeLuna
Keyword(s):  
John Locke ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Careful Examination ◽  
Biblical Hermeneutics ◽  
The Public ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
Henry Vi ◽  
Charles Ii ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

A correction of an article originally published in vol 17 (2017). In 1675, the anonymous Letter to a Person of Quality was condemned in the House of Lords and ordered to be burned by the public hangman.  A propagandistic work that has long been attributed to Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1st Earl of Shaftesbury, and less certainly to his secretary John Locke, it traduced hard-line Anglican legislation considered in Parliament that year—namely the Test Bill, proposing that office-holders and MPs swear off political militancy and indeed any efforts to reform the Church and State.  Careful examination of the text of the Letter, and that of one of its sources in the Reasons against the Bill for the Test, also circulated in 1675, reveals the presence of highly seditious passages of covert historical allegory.  Hitherto un-noted by modern scholars, this allegory compared King Charles II to the weak and intermittently mad Henry VI, while agitating for armed revolt against a government made prey to popish and French captors.  The discovery compels modification, through chronological revision and also re-assessment of the probability of Locke’s authorship of the Letter, of Richard Ashcraft’s picture of Shaftesbury and Locke as first-time revolutionaries for the cause of religious tolerance in the early 1680s.  Even more significantly, it lends support to Ashcraft’s view of the nature and intent of duplicitous published writings from the Shaftesbury circle, whose members included Robert Ferguson, ‘the Plotter’ and pamphleteer at home in the world of skilled biblical hermeneutics.  Cultivated for stealthy revolutionary purposes, these writings came with designs of engaging discrete reading networks within England’s culture of Protestant dissent.

The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.

Public Order

2018 ◽  
pp. 173-206
Author(s):  
Angie Heo
Keyword(s):  
Church And State ◽  
Suez Canal ◽  
Public Order ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Nature ◽  
Material Circulation ◽  
Port Said ◽  
The Church

“Public Order” engages the public nature of holy personhood by examining how the church and state regulate the publicity of miracles across the Christian-Muslim divide. Building on the overlap between Christian and Islamic worlds of holy visions and healing, it turns to the case of a Coptic woman whose dream led to controversy between Christians and Muslims along the Suez Canal. This chapter centers on the miracle-icon of the Virgin in Port Said and the efforts of Egyptian security officials to manage its public circulation. It shows how the policing of public order led to the polarizing segregration of Christians and Muslims, transforming the material circulation of holy power in the process. The containment of the icon, made into a “communal” image, continues to generate new suspicions, rendering open shrines into outposts of secrecy.

The Church and State in the Public Schools

1935 ◽  
Vol 6 (5) ◽  
pp. 283
Author(s):  
M. M. Chambers ◽  
Alvin W. Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Church And State ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Church

Church and State in England

1937 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-92
Author(s):  
E. P. Chase
Keyword(s):  
Church Of England ◽  
Church And State ◽  
General Election ◽  
Constitutional Development ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Church

In that revolutionary movement by which slowly and unobtrusively the government of England has been made over in the last twenty years, no institution has changed more perceptibly than the Church of England. Church and State: The Report of the Archbishops’ Commission on the Relations between Church and State, dated 1935 but withheld from the public by the Commission until after the general election of that year, sets forth the latest stage in a notable constitutional development.

Church and State

1950 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-340
Author(s):  
Hans Rommen
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Church And State ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Order ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
State Problem ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Church

The problem of Church-State relations—if under Church is understood the Church universal in its Catholic form—may be answered without too much difficulty on a high abstract level. But on the contingent level of concrete historical development the problem becomes not only highly involved, but almost inexhaustible. For every growth in the Church's doctrine, (for example, the decrees of the Vatican Council and every deeper-going change in the other partner's constitutional forms or in its philosophical and ethical justification or a change in its aims to greater comprehensive competencies) poses a new problem. No wonder, therefore, that in our era of restlessness, of dynamic social changes, of conflicting ideologies fighting for the baffled minds of the masses, of wavering traditions decomposed by the acid of nihilist skepticism, the Church-State problem arises in a new intensity and urgency. The external signs are there for everyone to see: the fury of a Hitler against the “Black International,” the violent persecution of the Church in die satellite countries of the Russian orbit, and the complete subjugation of the Orthodox Church not to a “Christian” Czar but to die confessedly adieistic Politburo. In minor degree the problem is also bothering the people of the United States. A secularist outlook, indeed, may slur over the reality and intensity of the true problem. For the secularized outlook die Church in her essence—and even more so the churches and the sects—is not different in genere from odier numerous private organizations for die furtherance of more or less rational aims and longings in a constitutionally pluralist society. The secularist will, therefore, recognize only one pragmatic rule: tolerance unless the public order and the competency of the police power is directly concerned. Public order includes all too often for the secularist his reform ideas and his social ideals based on a relativist pragmatism in ethics and thus makes him highly sensitive to die criticism by a Church which bases ethics on revelation and on competencies which die secularist can only consider as unfounded and arrogant. Only if the Church remains in the private sphere of private individuals and stays in this “free” sphere where the secularist will tolerate any mass-idiosyncracies, only dius will he condescendingly tolerate the Church. His attitude may be explained to a degree by the fact of an exceedingly strong religious individualism and a subjective and emotional spiritualism, inimical to form and tradition (indigenous to this country and resulting in the easy dissolution of doctrinal unity into a multiplicity of sects). This spiritualist “formlessness” of religion, here, makes the emphasis on organically grown and established forms and on the objective institutions of religious life, so characteristic of the Catholic Church, a somewhat strange and suspicious thing. Yet there is no avoiding the nature and self-understanding of the Church, if the problem of Church and State should be approached. Otherwise the term “Church” would stand only for utterly private opinions by very private individuals in that sphere of irrational feeling and unscientific imagination which for the secularist agnostic is religion. And it is clear that upon such suppositions it would follow that the political authority has exclusive and plenary competency to judge about the compatibility of such a religion with the policy and the public order of the state. The consequence of such thinking is the abolition of the Church-State problem by the complete elimination of the Church.

Separating Church and State in Italy

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-84
Author(s):  
Michael W. Homer
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Church And State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Civil Marriage ◽  
Public Announcement ◽  
Pius Ix ◽  
Pope Pius Ix ◽  
Official Status ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Catholic Church

In 1852 King Victor Emmanuel’s ministers proposed legislation to recognize civil marriages in the Kingdom of Sardinia (Piedmont). This proposal was opposed by Pope Pius IX and other Catholic apologists who argued that it would result in undermining the official status of the Catholic Church and one of the church’s sacraments. Even worse it would mean that Jewish and Protestant marriages would be recognized. This legislation coincided with Mormon missionaries proselytizing in Torino and the public announcement that the church practiced polygamy. Catholic opponents of this legislation argued that even Mormon polygamous marriages would be recognized if the legislation passed. During fierce debates that took place Catholic apologists also claimed that Mormons formed alliances with other Protestant “sects” to push through the civil marriage litigation. The specter of Mormon plural marriages in a civil marriage system continued to be mentioned until civil marriages were finally recognized in 1865.

Lord Cromwell's Rebus in Tattershall Castle

1926 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. McN. Rushforth
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Empty Shell ◽  
Ground Floor ◽  
The Third ◽  
Henry Vi ◽  
First Time ◽  
Coats Of Arms ◽  
The Church ◽  
Real Plant

After the late Lord Curzon had bought Tattershall Castle as an empty shell, he had it roofed, the windows were glazed, and floors were inserted, so that the interior has regained something of its original use and appearance, and, in particular, it is now possible to examine in comfort the famous chimney-pieces which were rescued and replaced by Lord Curzon. As is well known, these are decorated with all the heraldry belonging to the builder of the castle, Ralph Lord Cromwell (1394–1456), including the badge of a purse to show that he was Lord Treasurer under Henry VI from 1433 to 1443. When I saw these for the first time in 1924 I noticed that on the chimney-piece of the ground-floor chamber the panels with the badge, alternating with those which contain the coats of arms, show the purse wreathed or framed by two branches or sprays of naturalistic foliage (pl. XXVI); and the same feature appears in the chimney-piece on the first floor; while on the third floor the same plant is associated with the purse in the spandrels of the fireplace arch. It is not represented on the fourth chimney-piece. The contrast between this natural leafage and the conventional carved foliage on the other parts of the chimney-pieces is very marked, and it is obviously intended to represent a real plant having a tall stem with narrow, pointed leaves. I felt sure that it must have a meaning, and this idea was confirmed when afterwards I went into the church, which was also built by Lord Cromwell, and saw, among the remains of the original painted glass, now collected in the east window, the Treasurer's purse again wreathed by similar sprays, treated rather more formally.

scholarly journals THE LIMITS OF THE CONFESSIONAL STATE: ELECTORAL RELIGION IN THE REIGN OF CHARLES II

2008 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
WILLIAM GIBSON
Keyword(s):  
Church And State ◽  
High Water ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
High Water Mark ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
Charles Ii ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Church

ABSTRACTFrom 1670 there were sustained attempts to use excommunication as a tool to influence parliamentary elections. Excommunicants could not qualify for membership of municipal corporations under the Test and Corporation Acts. Towards the end of Charles II's reign, as fear of protestant dissent grew, excommunication was, however, used to deny voters the right to exercise their franchise. There was a concerted attempt, encouraged by the king, to ensure the election of a compliant tory parliament through the use of excommunication in elections in borough seats. The attempt, reliant on bishops and spiritual courts, represented the high water mark of the ‘confessional state’. Of questionable legality, the exclusion of excommunicants from the right to vote was short-lived. The accession of James II, and his Catholicizing policies, created new alliances between Anglicans and dissenters and eroded the willingness of bishops to use excommunication as an electoral instrument. In 1689, the Toleration Act removed the principal cause of the persecution of dissent. The use of excommunication, nevertheless, represented an important attempt to unite the church and state for electoral reasons.

The Roles of the Vicar-General and Surrogate in the Granting of Marriage Licences

1990 ◽  
Vol 2 (6) ◽  
pp. 28-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. C. A. Pearce
Keyword(s):  
General Principle ◽  
Canon Law ◽  
Church Of England ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Fourth Lateran Council ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

As a general principle, regular marriage in the Church of England is solemnized after the publication of banns. This requirement entered the medival canon law first as a matter of local custom, but was made universal in 1215 by a decree of the Fourth Lateran Council. Lord Hardwicke's Act did not impose the requirement of banns for the first time; it simply ensured that the option of an irregular marriage without banns, previously recognised by Church and State thoughfrowned upon, would no longer be valid in law.

Disconnecting Church and State: Richard Whately’s Ideas in the 1830s

2003 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-70
Author(s):  
David de Giustino
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Church Reform ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Church ◽  
Established Church

Addressing the clergy of his diocese in 1831, Bishop John Kaye of Lincoln spoke frankly. “We cannot be surprised at being told,” he said, “as we often are, that the days [of the established church] are already numbered, and that it is destined to sink…before the irresistible force of public opinion.” A similar warning appeared a few years earlier when, in his provocative little book Church Reform, Edward Berens urged the Church to acknowledge public opinion before it lost the public altogether.

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