The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.

2019 ◽  
pp. 256-281
Author(s):  
E.M. Kopot`

The article brings up an obscure episode in the rivalry of the Orthodox and Melkite communities in Syria in the late 19th century. In order to strengthen their superiority over the Orthodox, the Uniates attempted to seize the church of St. George in Izraa, one of the oldest Christian temples in the region. To the Orthodox community it presented a threat coming from a wealthier enemy backed up by the See of Rome and the French embassy. The only ally the Antioch Patriarchate could lean on for support in the fight for its identity was the Russian Empire, a traditional protector of the Orthodox Arabs in the Middle East. The documents from the Foreign Affairs Archive of the Russian Empire, introduced to the scientific usage for the first time, present a unique opportunity to delve into the history of this conflict involving the higher officials of the Ottoman Empire as well as the Russian embassy in ConstantinopleВ статье рассматривается малоизвестный эпизод соперничества православной и Мелкитской общин в Сирии в конце XIX века. Чтобы укрепить свое превосходство над православными, униаты предприняли попытку захватить церковь Святого Георгия в Израа, один из старейших христианских храмов в регионе. Для православной общины он представлял угрозу, исходящую от более богатого врага, поддерживаемого Римским престолом и французским посольством. Единственным союзником, на которого Антиохийский патриархат мог опереться в борьбе за свою идентичность, была Российская Империя, традиционный защитник православных арабов на Ближнем Востоке. Документы из архива иностранных дел Российской Империи, введены в научный оборот впервые, уникальная возможность углубиться в историю этого конфликта с участием высших должностных лиц в Османской империи, а также российского посольства в Константинополе.


Author(s):  
A. Sliusarenko ◽  
T. Pshenychnyi

The events that are taking place today in the church field of the Ukrainian State testify to the importance of the national church in building the national security of the country. The union of the church with the state has been formed for centuries, and to consider the absence of this tandem today would be wrong. However, such an alliance can be dangerous for the state if the church provokes separatism, ignites national conflict, undermines the national security of the state. Evidence of this is the aggressive policy of the leaders of the Russian Orthodox Church towards Ukraine throughout history, which has turned the church into an instrument of political games. Thus, by annexing the Metropolitan of Kiev in 1686 and establishing a protectorate over the Ukrainian church space, the leaders of the Russian Orthodox Church did everything to destroy the Ukrainian church tradition. History of Ukraine of the twentieth century testifies to the repeated attempts of Ukrainians to get out of the grip of the Russian Orthodox Church and build their own independent Ukrainian Orthodox Church. A striking example of this is the All-Ukrainian Orthodox Church Council of 1918, which, in the context of national competitions of the Ukrainian people for their own state, brought to the agenda of the revolutionary events the question of independence of the Ukrainian Church. At the second session of the Council, the idea of autocephaly of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church for the first time in many years consolidated a small part of the Ukrainian church and political elite around it. This article is devoted to analyzing the documents of this council session. The author tries to present the main stages of the competition for the autocephaly of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church and the difficulties that have arisen.


Author(s):  
Gerald Tapuka

For the first time in the history of Cameroon, it is facing a conflict that can be compared to no other one. The Boko Haram conflict has not just posed so much difficulty to the population and the government but especially media men and women who are always looking for information to feed the public. It is further complicated because journalists in Cameroon do not have a mastery of Peace Journalism, or conflict sensitive journalism or conflict management and resolution. In this light, they have all dived into the matter with much focus on recounting just the story on the ground, counting the victims and use the war to gain notoriety. They have neither work in favor of pacific resolution of the conflict nor promoting alternatives to the use of force but have been either been embedded in the military’s version of the story while depending so much on the official phase of it and on second hand information. This paper argues that in the communication of the Boko Haram conflict the Cameroonian media have proven to follow the official version in its practice of Straight Journalism, War Journalism and Embedded with very little effort in Peace Journalism.


Author(s):  
A. L. Dmitriev

For the first time there is described the history of creation of the Library for employees in the State Bank of the Russian Empire. The paper presents the experience of reconstruction of the book holding, part of which is preserved in the Library of St. Petersburg State University of Economics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 393
Author(s):  
Susanto Polamolo

Indonesia pernah melalui masa sulit di rezim Orde Baru. Kala itu, segala sesuatu yang paralel dengan khususnya sejarah seputar perumusan dasar negara (Panca Sila), menjadi begitu sulit untuk diperoleh, apalagi untuk mengemukakan fakta yang sebenarnya. Penelusuran dokumen-dokumen sejarah begitu minim didukung pemerintah, dokumen-dokumen itupun tercecer di mana-mana, publik hanya diedukasi dengan pendidikan sejarah dari para sejarawan versi pemerintah saja. Bukan karena Orde Baru telah menjadi masa lalu, tetapi, karena apa yang disebut sebagai sumber-sumber primer perlu diperiksa kembali. Di antaranya seperti: Naskah UUD 1945, yang disusun M. Yamin; Risalah Sidang BPUPKI-PPKI yang disusun oleh Sekretariat Negara; Sejarah Nasional Indonesia Jilid VI, yang disusun oleh Nugroho Notosusanto (dkk); Piagam Jakarta, yang disusun oleh Endang Saifuddin Anshari; Sejarah Pemikiran Tentang Panca Sila, yang disusun oleh Pranarka. Sumber-sumber ini diam-diam diterima, dan diam-diam pula diakui bermasalah, atau diragukan keotentikannya. Persoalan tersebut semakin diperjelas dengan temuan sejumlah arsip oleh para sejarawan tata negara seperti A.B. Kusuma, di mana sebelumnya, “Panitia Lima” (1975) telah pula menegaskan bahwa sumber-sumber yang dipakai pemerintah tidak valid, di antaranya adalah naskah yang disusun M. Yamin. Maka, sejarah perumusan Panca Sila kadang berada di jalan bersimpang, simpang batas-tegas pertentangan tentang keotentikan sumber sejarah, menjadi tugas utama agar sumber-sumber tersebut diuji satu dengan lainnya (metode heuristik dan konklusi eksplanatoris). Agar mengerucut satu kesimpulan yang utuh dan sistematis mengenai sejarah perumusan dasar negara dan pemikiran-pemikiran yang dikemukakan di dalamnya menjadi satu kesatuan pemahaman atas kenyataan, dan agar menguatkan sendi-sendi konstitusionalitas kita hari ini yang mulai tercerabut dari akar sejarahnya, bagaikan “inang yang dipaksa berpisah dari induknya”.Indonesia had been through a difficult period in the “Orde Baru” regime. At that time, everything parallel with history especially around the basic principle of the state (Panca Sila) became so difficult to obtain, especially to express the facts. The tracking of historical documents was so poorly endorsed by the government. The documents were scattered everywhere. The public was only educated with historical education from only government version historians. Not because the “Orde Baru” has become the past, but, because the so-called primary sources need to be checked again. Among them are: Naskah UUD 1945, compiled by M. Yamin; Risalah Sidang BPUPKI-PPKI, prepared by State Secretariat; Sejarah Nasional Indonesia Jilid VI, compiled by Nugroho Notosusanto (et.al); Piagam Jakarta, prepared by Endang Saifuddin Anshari; Sejarah Pemikiran Tentang Panca Sila, prepared by Pranarka. The above sources are secretly accepted, and secretly admittedly problematic, or are doubted the authenticity. The issue was further clarified by the findings of archives by state historians such as A.B. Kusuma, in which before, the “Panitia Lima” (1975) had also asserted that the sources used by the government were invalid, one of them was the text compiled by M. Yamin. Thus, the history of Panca Sila sometimes in a stray way of disputes about the historical sources authenticity. That became the primary task for which resources were tested against each other (heuristic methods and explanatory conclusions). In order to conceal a whole and systematic conclusion about the history of the basic formulation of the state and the ideas expressed in it become a unity of understanding of reality, in order to strengthen the joints of our constitutionality today which begins to be uprooted from its historical roots, like “a host which is forced to apart from its main”.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-86
Author(s):  
Igor' A. Vinogradov

<p>The article for the first time raises a question about one of the profiles of Gogol&rsquo;s activity as a &ldquo;satirist&rdquo;, a denouncer of morals. In his writings the author inevitably follows the laws of the Russian Empire, more than a&nbsp;hundred of volumes of which were published during his lifetime. It is emphasized that Gogol's desire to devote himself to justice, dated back to his school days, he carried through all his whole life. He considered his writings, as well as the legacy of Homer, Derzhavin, Fonvizin and Griboedov, as educational, &ldquo;legislative&rdquo; for contemporaries. The writer created every his writing, by his own admission, as a&nbsp;support for the &ldquo;truthful laws&rdquo; of the State and Church, the unity of which was determined by the peculiarities of the legislation of the Orthodox State. The work consistently traces reminiscences of <em>The Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire</em> contained in the first Gogol&rsquo;s series <em>Evenings on a Farm near Dikanka</em>, the collection <em>Mirgorod</em>, St.&nbsp;Petersburg novels, <em>The Government Inspector</em>, <em>Dead Souls</em>, the comedy <em>The Gamblers</em>, etc. The government decrees were also mentioned in Gogol&rsquo;s works, for example, Anti-Superstition laws, alcohol laws, wine tax and beverage production laws, tax arrears laws, &ldquo;souls inspection&rdquo; decrees and &ldquo;documents audit&rdquo;, prohibitive decrees on bribes, moneylending, harlotry, gambling and so forth. The connection of the &ldquo;legislative&rdquo; problems with the laws of Gogol&rsquo;s poetics, their unity in the works of all genres and all periods of Gogol&rsquo;s creative activity is emphasized.</p>


1999 ◽  
Vol 92 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-79
Author(s):  
Ki-Sung Kwak

Television broadcasting in South Korea is experiencing a major change in its regulatory structure under the new government led by Kim Dae-Jung, who won the 1997 election as an opposition candidate for the first time in Korean history. Based on the review of the regulatory history of television broadcasting and its recent development in South Korea, this paper provides an overall background which explains the way in which the state has shaped and developed the regulatory structure of television broadcasting in Korea. It argues that the policies set in law and regulatory practice exercised by the state bureaucracy have not always been consistent or completely compatible. It concludes that this has been mainly because the government has been the sole player in establishing, framing and devising television broadcasting regulations.


1998 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell J. Dalton

Free elections are celebrations of the democratic process, and theGermans celebrated in an unprecedented way on September 27,1998. After sixteen years of Christian Democratic rule, the publicused its democratic power to change the government. Indeed, for thefirst time in the history of the Federal Republic, voters rejected a sittingchancellor and chose a new government through the ballot box.


2000 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Horwood

The summer of 1908 was a summer of congresses in London. The decennial Pan-Anglican Congress assembled in July, the History of Religions Congress met in September, the Trades Union Congress held its annual meeting shortly thereafter, and the International Congress on Moral Education took place in October. None of these received as much newspaper attention as the Roman Catholic International Eucharistic Congress, which convened in England for the first time, from Wednesday 9 to Sunday 13, September. Many column inches were devoted to the preparations and proceedings; photographs were printed; and hundreds of readers’ letters were published afterwards. In reportage the newspapers differed slightly; in opinion, more so. Most of the proceedings were not controversial at all, consisting of liturgies, lectures on various aspects of Catholic belief concerning the Eucharist, and evening meetings in the Albert Hall. What excited the press and sections of the public was the proposed closing spectacular: a procession of the Blessed Sacrament through the streets around Westminster Cathedral.


10.33287/1192 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 16-24
Author(s):  
O. В. Мірошниченко

The paper is devoted to the main stages of the legal status the Old Believers in Ukraine, in particular in the Katerinoslav’s region. The main reason for the appearance of them is the settlement of new, annexed lands to the Russian Empire. As you know, the Old Believers appear after the reform of the church, which was conducted by Patriarch Nikon. Since its inception and for more than one century, the Old Believers have been a “disagreeable” mass of the population of the Russian Empire, with which both the government and the dominant church have fought. As the history of oppression, persecution, and conclusion did not yield the expected results: the Old Believers continued to practice the old faith. The paper describes the time of the XVIII-XIX centuries. In the XVIII century the territory of the Katerinoslav’s Governorate was settled by Old Believers and they influenced the other national and religious communities of the province. Relations between Old Believers and the authority was very tense and inconstant. For two centuries, there has been a warming of relations, to a noticeable confrontation on the part of officials. The authorities were not consistent in their actions towards the Old Believers, each of the rulers had their own plans and thoughts about the Old Believers. But they all tried to quickly eliminate the manifestations of a split in society by all available methods. A certain liberalization came during the reign of Catherine II, but with the accession to the throne of Nicholas I, the loyalty to the Old Believers ended. The repressive policy of the government regarding the followers of the old faith were suspended for Alexander II, and it was only in 1905 the Old Believers gained religious freedom.


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