scholarly journals Oferta programática en materia de política económica en diez economías occidentales (Alemania, Argentina, Brasil, Chile, EE.UU., España, Francia, México, R.U. y Suecia) 1980-2015

2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. e69793
Author(s):  
Luz Dary Ramírez Franco
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Politica Publica

Este artículo defiende la tesis de que, independientemente del posicionamiento ideológico de los partidos políticos, estos deben aplicar las medidas del modelo neoliberal debido a la dependencia que las economías tienen de las Organizaciones Financieras Internacionales, OFIs. Para validar la tesis, el artículo mide la adaptación de la oferta programática de diez economías al modelo neoliberal. Se usa la base de datos del Manifesto Research on Political Representation, (MARPOR), para construir una Matriz de Política Pública Neoliberal y un Índice de Política Neoliberal (IPONE), que se compara con el índice RILE (Right-Left). El análisis se realiza para los 19 partidos políticos que han gobernado estas economías durante los 36 años de estudio. Se concluye que la gran mayoría de partidos se mueven de manera fluctuante tanto en el espectro-izquierda derecha como con respecto a la política neoliberal. Los hallazgos de esta investigación cuestionan el autoposicionamiento de los partidos y permiten afirmar que el neoliberalismo efectivamente fue aplicado tanto por partidos de derecha como por partidos de izquierda.

scholarly journals Entre avanços e retrocessos: as contradições ou armadilhas da participação no planejamento urbano participativo

2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Pupo ◽  
Laura Machado de Mello Bueno
Keyword(s):  
Urban Studies ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Sao Paulo ◽  
São Paulo ◽  
Political Sciences ◽  
Participatory Processes ◽  
Politica Publica ◽  
Rainwater Management ◽  
The One

O presente artigo tem por finalidade analisar as inovações institucionais de participação da sociedade civil e problematizar analiticamente a representação política exercida pelos Conselhos Gestores de Políticas Públicas, sob a ótica da representação política tradicional. Para tanto, realiza um estudo de caso sobre a política pública de manejo de águas pluviais, do Programa Saneamento para Todos do governo federal, no município de Jundiaí, estado de São Paulo. No que diz respeito à política urbana, o resultado da pesquisa revela a contradição existente entre, por um lado, a esperança nos processos participativos depositada pela influente literatura das áreas de urbanismo e ciência política em um contexto de transição e reforma democrática, e de outro, o prevalecimento de um modelo extremamente desigual de acesso à urbanidade. Palavras-chave: conselhos gestores; sociedade civil; gestão urbana; democracia participativa; representação política. Abstract: The objective of this article is to analyze the institutional innovations of civic participation and to discuss the political representation enabled by popular councils of public policies, from the perspective of traditional political representation. It presents a case study of a policy for rainwater management, the Saneamento para Todos Program of the Federal Government, as it was established in Jundiaí, São Paulo State. The research reveals a contradiction: on the one hand, a sense of hope on participatory processes, influenced by the literature on the fields of urban studies and political sciences in the Brazilian context of democratic transition and reform along with participatory processes, and, on the other hand, the persistence of a extremely unequal kind of access to urban facilities and urban rights. Keywords: management councils; civil society; urban management; participatory democracy; political representation.

Silence of the Land: On the Historical Irrelevance of Territory to Congressional Districting and Political Representation in the United States

2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Representative Government ◽  
Congressional District ◽  
Congressional Districts ◽  
Communities Of Interest

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.

Cuantificación de un índice global de calidad empresarial

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-42
Author(s):  
Ignacio Javier Cruz Rodríguez
Keyword(s):  
Joseph Schumpeter ◽  
Politica Publica

El objetivo de este artículo es cuantificar un Índice Global de Calidad Empresarial (IGCE) para 56 países que busca jerarquizar la calidad del desempeño del sector empresarial al interior de cada nación. Se utiliza el razonamiento de Joseph Schumpeter para caracterizar las variables incluidas en el análisis. Mediante el uso de componentes principales se estima un índice que jerarquiza de mayor a menor la calidad del desempeño. Los resultados indican que el país con mayor calidad empresarial es Estados Unidos mientras que el de menor es República Dominicana. Se discute la posibilidad de usar el índice como herramienta de política pública.

Vampires of Color: A Critique of Multicultural Whiteness

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dale Hudson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
White Privilege ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
White Trash ◽  
National Values ◽  
Lost Boys ◽  
Classical Hollywood

This chapter explores whiteness’s purported expansion through multiculturalism after Civil Rights and the Immigration Act of 1965. By yoking the inclusivity of multiculturalism and exclusivity of whiteness, multicultural whiteness sustains white privilege without acknowledging it, granting conditional or provisional inclusion to select nonwhite groups. It becomes a performative category (“white-identified-ness”) questioned in films like Blacula (1972), Ganja and Hess (1973), Martin (1976), Fright Night (1985), The Lost Boys (1987), Near Dark (1987), Interview with the Vampire (1994), and The Addiction (1995). Classical Hollywood whiteness is transformed by greater emphasis on so-called national values—individualism, consumerism, patriotism, secularism, and willful amnesia—that sustain foundational myths of a nation of immigrants, land of opportunity, and beacon of democracy. Within the proliferation of representations of a multicultural United States, films question limitations on political representation for anyone not identifying—or being identified—with whiteness, including so-called white trash.

Ciencia económica, gobierno y discursos dominantes en la política económica en Dinamarca y España

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuel Ahedo
Keyword(s):  
Think Tanks ◽  
Politica Publica ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
Toma De Decisiones

Dentro de la creciente investigación sobre la influencia de las ideas y de la ciencia económica en las políticas económicas se propone el análisis del sistema de debate de las políticas económicas. Se asume que la política económica en democracia debe integrar la racionalidad político-democrática con la racionalidad técnica. Se analizan tres dimensiones que conforman el sistema de debate de la política económica: la ciencia económica, el gobierno y los discursos dominantes. En base a literatura empírica, datos secundarios y entrevistas se comparan los sistemas de Dinamarca y España, ilustrado con el caso de las políticas laborales. Primero, se identifican las diferencias principales de la ciencia económica danesa y española, especialmente su orientación aplicada la política pública. Segundo, se compara el papel del gobierno en las políticas económicas, específicamente la forma de incorporación de la racionalidad técnica en la toma de decisiones. Tercero, se contrasta el funcionamiento de los discursos dominantes, liderados por organizaciones como los think tanks especializados. Se concluye que el sistema de debate en política económica en Dinamarca tiene un carácter institucionalizado que integra la racionalidad política y la racionalidad técnica, y en España una fuerte racionalidad política domina sobre la racionalidad técnica.

American Insecurity

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Seth Levine
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Economic Insecurity ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
College Tuition ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
Care Costs ◽  
Politically Active

Americans today face no shortage of threats to their financial well-being, such as job and retirement insecurity, health care costs, and spiraling college tuition. While one might expect that these concerns would motivate people to become more politically engaged on the issues, this often doesn't happen, and the resulting inaction carries consequences for political debates and public policy. Moving beyond previously studied barriers to political organization, this book sheds light on the public's inaction over economic insecurities by showing that the rhetoric surrounding these issues is actually self-undermining. By their nature, the very arguments intended to mobilize individuals—asking them to devote money or time to politics—remind citizens of their economic fears and personal constraints, leading to undermobilization and nonparticipation. The book explains why the set of people who become politically active on financial insecurity issues is therefore quite narrow. When money is needed, only those who care about the issues but are not personally affected become involved. When time is needed, participation is limited to those not personally affected or those who are personally affected but outside of the labor force with time to spare. The latter explains why it is relatively easy to mobilize retirees on topics that reflect personal financial concerns, such as Social Security and Medicare. In general, however, when political representation requires a large group to make their case, economic insecurity threats are uniquely disadvantaged. Scrutinizing the foundations of political behavior, the book offers a new perspective on collective participation.

Byelorussian Nationalism and Western Russianism: the Problem of Confrontation

2020 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 161-168
Author(s):  
Alexander D. Gronsky
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
Great Patriotic War ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Relationship

The article examines the relationship between Western Russianism (Zapadnorusizm) and Byelorussian nationalism. Byelorussian nationalism is much younger than Western Russianism, finally shaping only in the end of the 19th century. Before 1917 revolution Byelorussian nationalism could not compete with Western Russianism. The national policy of the Bolsheviks contributed to the decline of Western Russianism and helped Byelorussian nationalism to gain stronger positions. However, Byelorussian nationalists actively cooperated with the occupation authorities during the Great Patriotic war. That caused distinctly negative attitude of Byelorussians towards the movement and collaborators. Currently, Byelorussian nationalism is supported both by the opposition and by the government. Western Russianism has no political representation, but is supported by the majority of Byelorussian population.

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