Does Radical Political Orientation Lead to Political Distrust in the Public Election of 2019 in Medan?

Author(s):  
Muryanto Amin
2002 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. STEPHEN WEATHERFORD

The concept of critical realignment has shaped much of the thinking of political scientists and historians about the processes and patterns of change in American politics. Research on re-alignment has, however, tended to focus on successful cases and to concentrate on the electoral breakpoints rather than the process of regime formation, with the result that little systematic thinking has been devoted to the question of why some electoral upheavals lead to party realignment while other large vote shifts do not. This article begins from the proposition that the election does not so much constitute the realignment as offer the opportunity and the momentum for the new party to build a lasting national coalition. Whether the party capitalizes on this potential depends on processes and events that follow the critical election, during what could be called the ‘consolidation phase’ of the realignment. The question is ultimately one about public opinion, but the concept of consolidation needs to take in the interaction between the public and political elites, since mass opinion is formed in the context of elite initiatives and interpretations. The model of consolidation depicts two interrelated processes. The first involves strategic competition among elites, including elected officials and organized societal interests, who frame the conflict, by prioritizing issues and cleavages, and by relating policy proposals to group identities and widely-shared values. The second focuses on the public. Their standing loyalties disrupted by the crisis and the incumbents' inability to deal with it successfully, citizens engage in a process of experiential search as they seek to re-establish the stable political orientation given by attachment to a political party. The article draws on qualitative and quantitative information from the New Deal to illustrate the model of consolidation.


2018 ◽  
pp. 8-15
Author(s):  
Іvan Pobochiy

The level of social harmony in society and the development of democracy depends to a large extent on the level of development of parties, their ideological and political orientation, methods and means of action. The purpose of the article is to study the party system of Ukraine and directions of its development, which is extremely complex and controversial. The methods. The research has led to the use of such scientific search methods as a system that allowed the party system of Ukraine to be considered as a holistic organism, and the historical and political method proved to be very effective in analyzing the historical preconditions and peculiarities of the formation of the party system. The results. The incompetent, colonial past and the associated cruel national oppression, terror, famine, and violent Russification caused the contradictory and dramatic nature of modernization, the actual absence of social groups and their leaders interested in it, and the relatively passive reaction of society to the challenges of history. Officials have been nominated by mafia clans, who were supposed to protect their interests and pursue their policies. Political struggle in the state took place not between influential political parties, but between territorial-regional clans. The party system of Ukraine after the Maidan and the beginning of the war on the Donbass were undergoing significant changes. On the political scene, new parties emerged in the course of the protests and after their completion — «Petro Poroshenko Bloc», «People’s Front», «Self-help»), which to some extent became spokespeople for not regional, but national interests. Pro-European direction is the main feature of the leading political parties that have formed a coalition in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Conclusion. The party system of Ukraine as a result of social processes is at the beginning of a new stage in its development, an important feature of which is the increase in the influence of society (direct and indirect) on the political life of the state. Obviously, there is a demand from the public for the emergence of new politicians, new leaders and new political forces that citizens would like to see first and foremost speakers and defenders of their interests.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-32
Author(s):  
Nagisa Moritoki Škof

Addresses made by heads of government reflect their views and opinions. This article presents a quantitative content analysis of public addresses made by heads of government of the five countries, namely Japan, the USA, New Zealand, Germany, and Slovenia, which were done in response to the novel coronavirus (Covid-19). Word frequency analysis and hierarchical cluster analysis were used to identify the content specifics of these addresses.  The comparative analysis of speeches concerning the novel coronavirus enables us to determine how these addresses reflect the speakers’ perspectives and political orientation and what they attempted to convey to the public.


2016 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 531-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginie Bonnot ◽  
Silvia Krauth-Gruber ◽  
Ewa Drozda-Senkowska ◽  
Diniz Lopes

Fifty years after the end of the Algerian war of independence, French colonization in Algeria (1830–1962) is still a very controversial topic when sporadically brought to the forefront of the public sphere. One way to better understand current intergroup relationships between French of French origin and French with Algerian origins is to investigate how the past influences the present. This study explores French students’ emotional reactions to this historical period, their ideological underpinnings and their relationship with the willingness to compensate for past misdeeds, and with prejudice. Results show that French students with French ascendants endorse a no-remorse norm when thinking about past colonization of Algeria and express very low levels of collective guilt and moral-outrage related emotions, especially those students with a right-wing political orientation and a national identification in the form of glorification of the country. These group-based emotions are significantly related to pro-social behavioral intentions (i.e. the willingness to compensate) and to prejudice toward the outgroup.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-197
Author(s):  
Stefan Wallaschek

The article analyses the discursive appeal to solidarity in the mass media during the unfolding of Europe’s migration crisis. Solidarity was claimed by numerous actors in the public discourse to legitimise political decisions and mobilise public opinion. While it seems that the call for solidarity was shared by many actors, media studies show the ‘partisan journalism’ of media outlets. Thus, the political orientation of media outlets influences their coverage of public debates. Hence, to what extent do different quality newspapers cover the same solidarity claims in times of crisis? In order to answer this question, the crisis coverage of two German and two Irish newspapers with centre-left and centre-right political orientations is examined via the discourse network methodology. Germany is selected due to high political parallelism and a strong affectedness by the crisis, while Ireland is selected because of low political parallelism and a weak affectedness by the migration crisis. The findings demonstrate that partisan journalism persists during Europe’s migration crisis. Especially German party actors are present in both countries, underpinning the central position of Germany. Regarding the appeal to solidarity, political solidarity claims prevail in all four newspapers, indicating the political-institutional asymmetry in the Common European Asylum System. The study contributes to the strategic framing of concepts in public debates and demonstrates that the left-right distinction of media outlets is hardly affected by the migration crisis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
C Cadeddu ◽  
S Daugbjerg ◽  
W Ricciardi ◽  
A Rosano

Abstract Background In 2017 the Italian government introduced compulsory vaccination for children aged 0-16 for ten diseases, in response to an alarmingly decrease in coverage and measles outbreak. A hot social debate arose in the wake of this law, questioning the trust both in the scientific community regarding vaccines and in the safety of vaccines. No Italian study has prior studied these topics combined. We therefore investigated the socio-cultural profile of Italians regarding beliefs towards vaccination and trust in the scientific community. Methods Data were extracted from the Italian section of the 2017 European Social Survey (ESS), conducted by the Italian National Institute for Public Policy Analysis. Main outcomes were the opinion about harmfulness of vaccines and the trust in the scientific community. A Principal Component Analysis (PCA) was performed to examine the socio-cultural profile of respondents on the topic. Results Among the 2,626 subjects interviewed, 19% believed that vaccines are harmful and 10% had no trust in the scientific community in regards to vaccines. Respondents who thought that vaccines are harmful, compared to respondents disagreeing, were characterized by less often having an education of 13 years or more (23% vs 29%), less often using a computer every day (44% vs 54%), less often participating in congresses (9% vs 17%), more often having a right wing political orientation (38% vs 26%). Out of the respondents who believed in the harmfulness of vaccines, 29% neither had trust in the scientific community. PCA suggested that this group (Anti-vax/science sceptic) was characterised by low participation in political and cultural life, being male, older of age and a right wing political orientation. Conclusions This study paints a picture of the opinions of Italians on vaccines. Respondents' profiles may be useful for policymakers to design targeted vaccination campaigns and to intervene more efficaciously in public debates. Key messages The share of Italian people who believe in harmfulness of vaccines is high, almost one in five. This is of great concern for the success of vaccination campaigns. Scientific community has a key role in the public debate on vaccines, considering the large consensus received on this issue.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 88-93
Author(s):  
Liviu-Alexandru Precup

AbstractPublic procurement in Romania is an important part of any economy, regardless of the geographical location, political orientation or level of development. Therefore, they can be considered as a separate part, but not insignificant, of the business of a functioning market economy. Moreover, they benefit from its own law, including the global economic agreements governing commercial transactions of this type. Public Procurement is an important element of the Internal Market and a basic method of public spending and ensuring the free movement of goods, services and works by domestic and foreign companies. Through the adoption and implementation in the national legislation of the Member States of a package of Directives 2014, a new Public Procurement regime is settled. The Public Procurement Law provides two new awarding procedure. Simplified procedure – may be applied by the contracting authority for the contracts with a reduced value and the Innovation partnership. The above procedures are in addition to the procedures below which were already provided for by the prior legislation. In Romania a simplified procedure is applied for contracts /framework agreements with an estimated value below the above mentioned thresholds but with exceed RON 135,060 for supply and services contracts and RON 450,200 for works contracts. Within a simplified procedure, contract notices are published only in the Electronic System for Public Procurement.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-107
Author(s):  
Yphtach Lelkes ◽  
Ariel Malka ◽  
Penelope Sheets

AbstractIsrael is viewed unfavorably among wide segments of the public within several European democracies, despite being regarded itself as a Western democracy. Does drawing attention to Israel's democratic attributes improve views toward Israel? In two surveys with Dutch national samples, anti-Semitic affect, low anti-Arab/Muslim affect, and left-wing political orientation independently predicted anti-Israel sentiment. However, in experiments embedded within the surveys, making salient Israel's democratic attributes had opposite effects on Israel attitude across those on the right and the left – slightly decreasing anti-Israel sentiment among those with a right-wing orientation but slightly increasing anti-Israel sentiment among those with a left-wing orientation. We discuss potential explanations grounded in social psychological theory as well as implications for the strategic communication efforts of groups seeking to influence attitudes toward Israel.


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