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Published By Taras Shevchenko National University Of Kyiv

2415-881x

2020 ◽  
pp. 170-191
Author(s):  
Serhij Zdioruk

The article analyzes the problems of political and religious influence of Russia on the formation of the Ukrainian state in historical retrospect and in modern conditions of hybrid war. Europe wants to see the civilized Ukraine, based on the primacy of law, sustainable development, values of democracy and freedom for all citizens without exception. It is not only about political and economic aspects, but also about spiritual and cultural ones. Constituting the Local Ukrainian Orthodox Church is a powerful spiritual and ideological pillar of the Ukrainian State in building a democratic society, strengthening its image in the world. With the above in view and under the described situation the issue of fast integration of Ukraine into the European and world community becomes more urgent. Religion plays a significant role in this process, which is so important to regulate by the legislation. Thus we see the need for continued reform of the Ukrainian legal system starting from the fundamental political system governed by the Constitution of Ukraine, electoral laws and in particular the body of laws governing the fundamental rights and freedoms of the citizens of Ukraine. The article suggests some high priority measures aimed on creation of conditions for realization of integrative opportunities of religious factors. The proposals provide concrete and effective tools, the implementation of which is aimed at neutralizing the threats of «russkiy mir» in Ukrainian society and formulates recommendations for effective organization of political and legal mechanisms to protect national interests and strengthen national security of Ukraine.


2020 ◽  
pp. 12-23
Author(s):  
Vadym Chuiko ◽  
Valerii Atamanchuk-Angel

Almost all philosophy about the state system has concentrated on the authorities. Any function of the state can be represented as a superposition of the functions of violence / coercion. Ultimately, the state appears to be a kind of plurality of subjects with a definite crater power / coercion / violence operation on it. The algebra of trust on the multiplicity of owners of themselves, endowed with free future, is each of them is only a part of nature, еру carrier of the part of the general human culture, and for their completeness, they have and understand the need for the Other. This is the philosophy of solving political, environmental, and climate challenges not through violent / voluntaristic methods, but by the recognition of sovereign rights and the search for ways to achieve sustainable development. Any cracy / power / coercion / violence must be separated from the models of society, the state. Public agreement is not an agreement with the abstract notion of the state, but an agreement with definite elected people who have gained the trust of those to whom they temporarily render their services. Contract is temporary, limited by period, with obligatory full responsibility of the parties. Scientific novelty. For more than two thousand years, long before Aristotle and Plato, European philosophical thought, reflecting on the structure of society, wanders in the labyrinths of kratia. Modern achievements of mathematics provide an opportunity to build ideal political objects, and a direct product of material and ideal government building. (Example of a trust algebra [4].)


2020 ◽  
pp. 49-71
Author(s):  
Valentyn Krysachenko

The article is devoted to the analysis of one of the forms of genocide policy, namely — the crime of deportation, which was practiced by the Russian state throughout its existence. The political significance of the deportations was to curb the resistance of the tamed peoples, to prevent the real or potential threat of anti-Russian movements. Russia, as the successor to the USSR, did not assume political, legal and moral responsibility for the repression, the process of rehabilitation of deported peoples was stopped completely. At the time of the collapse of the USSR, the leadership of the RSFSR tried to take certain steps in this direction, but with the proclamation of the Russian Federation as the successor to the union state, such efforts were completely stopped. In the current conditions in Russia there is no political, legal and moral assessment of crimes, no objective assessment of the causes and consequences of mass repression, rehabilitation of deported peoples committed in part or not at all, a number of regulations of the Soviet period to restrict rights and freedoms procedural use, etc. Moreover, the aggressive actions of modern Russia against independent states, including Moldova, Georgia, Syria, Libya, and especially Ukraine, have been a determining factor in new waves of forced migration of large populations, accompanied by significant human, moral, and material losses. All this imposes a special responsibility on the world community to carry out actions of various ranks (political, legal, economic, etc. ) to deter the criminal actions of the aggressor country and to develop the necessary conditions and requirements for the inevitability of punishment for crimes committed by the Putin regime.


2020 ◽  
pp. 158-173
Author(s):  
Mykhailo Boichenko ◽  
Yuliia Rudenko

The article is devoted to the analysis of the ratio of external and internal sources of state sovereignty. It is found that sovereignty cannot be established without external sources, and the sovereignty of the state is to establish external relations with other states as political monads, i. e. coexisting political substances. At the same time, the sovereignty of the state is closely interconnected with the idea of national identity: the justification of sovereignty is the integration of all cultural groups of the country around the idea of national identity, which is the subject of protection of state sovereignty. The national idea acts as the main source of legitimation of the state’s sovereignty, and the national identity acts as a mechanism for combining the national idea and the state’s sovereignty. In today’s globalized society, national identity appears not as an opponent of internationalism, but as a prerequisite for building international relations in recognition of the sovereignty of states that have their own national idea. The global state appears not as a replacement for the nation-state, but only as a principle of interdependence and expression of the need for cooperation between modern nation-states. Global civil society creates a need for the principle of multilateralism in the interaction between modern states, i. e. the need for their constructive interaction based on mutual respect for the idea of national identity and its derivatives — national interests, national values and so on. The strategic provision of internal sources of state sovereignty, especially a clear link between national identity and the integrated national idea, makes possible and appropriate to turn to external sources of state sovereignty.


2020 ◽  
pp. 147-157
Author(s):  
Serhii Zubchenko

The relevance of the article determines by urgent problems of the global diplomatic agenda, in particular, concerning the international legal response to the Russian military aggression against Ukraine and acts of state terrorism all around the world carried out by Russia within its doctrine of hybrid war. After the end of Yugoslav wars and up until 2014, the threat of full-scale military conflict in European continent was mistakenly evaluated as low, while the other threats (in particular, associated with globalization) considered to be more dangerous. However, the permission to use armed force in Ukraine, unanimously given to V. Putin by the Federation council of Russia on March 1, 2014 and the following events in Ukrainian Crimea and Donbas regions crushed the global order established after the fall of USSR and opened a horrifying terroristic «Pandora’s box» in the very heart of Europe. As a result of the study, political and legal proposals and recommendations were determined. Considerations regarding the role of trust as a vital element of interstate relations, the lack of which provokes conflicts, leads to the encapsulation of states, making it impossible for them to achieve sustain and progressive development and to solve important common problems, are substantiated. As a conclusion in this context, the necessity to ensure strict adherence of the principles of international law as the «rules of the game» of the geopolitical club and the «red lines», violating of which activates uncontrolled global scale processes, is highlighted. It is also necessary to ensure prompt response to apparent violations of international law that threaten international peace and global security. In addition, the urgent need to preserve international sanctions against the aggressor country — Russian Federation — and entities, individuals and groups, affiliated with the Putin’s regime, is insisted.


2020 ◽  
pp. 174-189
Author(s):  
Maiia Moser

Although it is obvious that an adequate account of the notion of national identity requires a certain understanding of national consciousness, there is still no generally accepted theory regarding the latter. The article considers the connection of state-building and nation-building. The most important tool of nation-building is the dissemination of national consciousness and national identity. The article analyzes the creation of a national idea and considers the major reasons for the incompleteness of Ukrainian nation-building, which results from a lack of political consensus and a comparatively low level of the cultural development of Ukrainian society. For this purpose, we have researched various political materials from web resources using the tools of a structural-functional approach, discourse analysis and content analysis. The study opens deeper insights into the genuine values, interests, motives, stereotypes, attitudes, strategies and tactics of some politicians. No aspect of national idea is more more puzzling than nation consciousness and national identity. Despite the lack of any agreed upon theory of national consciousness, there is a widespread, if less than universal, understand that an adequate account of national identity requires a clear understanding of it. We need to understand both what nation consciousness, national identity, national idea, nation and state-building. Therefore the problem of Ukrainian nation and state building results from contradictory ideas od Ukrainian politicians, the lack of a common national idea as such, and the dissemination of false information among the electorate.


2020 ◽  
pp. 226-236
Author(s):  
Tetyana Nagornyak ◽  
Anna Osmolovska

The main objective of the study is to determine the specifics of Ukraine’s presence in the external information space on the example of border countries — Hungary and Poland. The research methodology is a synthesis of semiotics, communication theory and methodology of discourse analysis. The results of the study were obtained by applying such modern methods and techniques of applied political analysis as monitoring, content analysis and event analysis of national media, namely English-language online resources, of the certain country groups for the determination of the principles of information space formation and Ukraine’s image in it. Online media were selected on the principle of audience coverage and territory coverage. The methodology of media audit allowed finding out the world trends of the media discourse formation around Ukraine. Discourse analysis, in turn, allowed to identify and to compare the main discursive practices of the iconic events chain in Ukraine after 2014. The results of the research confirm the thesis, that there is a direct influence of the geopolitical factor in the formation of the country’s image in the external information space. Images of Ukraine, which are formed in the English-language information space of the two border countries, are contradictory and incomplete. External actors spontaneously or purposefully construct components of Ukraine’s image in the conditions of a system crisis in Ukraine. It can be concluded that a balanced information policy of the state will be able to strengthen the legitimacy of the government, improve the investment climate and act as a unifying factor for society.


2020 ◽  
pp. 102-110
Author(s):  
Oksana Yakymchuk

The first steps in reforming education after the declaration of independence, provided by the State National Program «Education» («Ukraine of the XXI century»), revealed the first contradictions, the overcoming of which required a new philosophy and methodology reform activities. Their contours for a ten-year period of state-building processes, defined by the Decree of the President of Ukraine «On urgent measures to ensure functioning and development of education in Ukraine » (2005) turned out to be quite contradictory. On the one hand, the ideas of integration of our state into the European one were actively implemented educational space. On the other hand, the reform processes that began to slow down began in the first half of the first decade of the new century. How could such contradictory tendencies be combined and what did it eventually lead to in the context of the qualitative growth of Ukrainian education? The research is devoted to this problem, set out in this article. Education researchers emphasize the timeliness and the need to modernize education, brought to life by the Bologna Process, which opens the possibility of building an innovative model of higher education that would be able not only to adequately respond to the challenges of the time, but also to work for the future, while expressing the need for a harmonious mix of European innovation traditions. After joining the Bologna Declaration, Ukrainian educators not only became acquainted with the concepts developed within the framework of the Bologna Process, which are aimed at improving the quality of education, but also witnessed and participated in real reforms. Although there are some difficulties and contradictions, among which the uncertainty of the prospects and principles of relations between Ukraine and the EU plays an important role. Prospects for further research are in the field of building fruitful cooperation between educators of Ukraine and the EU in the so-called post-Bologna process.


2020 ◽  
pp. 111-131
Author(s):  
Iaroslav Teleshun

Corruption is an unchanging and “faithful” companion of the humanity accompanying it since ancient times. And like any product of mankind, it isn’t a static phenomenon and develops in parallel with the complication of human relations. With the globalization the corruption has transformed and acquired new features that make it possible to classify it likes “global corruption”. We assume that in today’s world, global corruption is a stabilizing mechanism of the modern model of world order and a safeguard against the destruction of non-viable forms of human coexistence. There are three main reasons for the inequality of income distribution in the world: 1) the existence of so-called “tax havens” – offshore zones that allow large-cap owners to avoid paying taxes; 2) inefficiency or unwillingness of national governments and the world community in regulating this issue; 3) the systematic business and politics interpenetration and the emergence of the newest phenomenon – the so-called “global corruption”. We argue that in such case post-Soviet States (including Ukraine and Russia) become a source and a “transit hub” for global corruption. Under the condition of systemic institutional instability existence, financial-industrial groups are losing exclusively economic features and getting new features, which allow them to be classified as financial-political groups. For such kind of corporate groups is typical the combination of economic, political, social and administrative components for the realization their private interests. We propose two development scenarios of corruption interconnection between financial-industrial groups and public authorities in States with unstable institutional environment: 1) complete subordination of political and economic activities of financial-industrial groups to the will of the State – “occupation of business” (for example in the Russian Federation); 2) “seizure of power” by financial-industrial groups and their further transformation into financial-political groups (for example in Ukraine). We are convinced that in such circumstances corruption can be used by some Sates as an effective tool for the political process’ influence of other countries.


2020 ◽  
pp. 90-101
Author(s):  
Yevhen Bidenko

The process of forming values in the education system takes place in the field of freedom of choice by the subject of the value system which they perceive as being their own and corresponding to their worldview and life priorities. Forming personal values is directly or indirectly influenced by the understanding (and awareness) of a person (a child, pupil or student) of the meaning and role of the values in the process of comparing them with historic realities, the present and vision of the perspectives for development. The latter is formed by culture, education and upbringing. The school plays the primary role in forming the value palette in a personality. Without underestimating the physical and mathematical or natural and geographical cycles of subjects, we note that the current values are formed primarily through the cycle of socio-humanities, the leading among which are literature, philosophy and history. This is where examples of the realization of values of various nature are directly considered, and students draw certain conclusions about the moral or immoral behavior of the character in a piece, patriotic or unpatriotic actions of a historical figure, etc. At the same time, forming the values in the education system cannot occur apart from general social processes and trends, which in turn form a demand for a particular education system and probable influences of hereditary structures, collective unconscious and intellectual, moral, emotional and social development. The purpose of the article is to determine the principles of the axiological platform of the personality in the pedagogical process. The results of the research. Self-development of values in the pedagogical process is one of the ways of forming the personality and an important basis for self-realization and self-actualization of the personality in the social environment. Teaching and self-developing the values in the pedagogical process promotes the development of all subjects and objects of educational activity, increases the degree of their spirituality, and it enriches the means of self-expression.


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