Jurisprudence of the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission: Albania Claims

2012 ◽  
Vol 106 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Bederman

Albania ranks among the smallest and poorest countries in Europe, located on the Adriatic and Ionian Seas just north of Greece. It gained its independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1912 (accounting for the fact that a majority of the population is Muslim) and subsisted as a monarchy for much of the interwar period. Albania was occupied by Italy (and then Nazi Germany) for all of the Second World War. Communist partisans expelled the Germans in 1944, without the assistance of Soviet forces, and thus began nearly a half-century of a totalitarian, isolationist rule by an extremely repressive Communist regime under the leadership of Enver Hoxha and Ramiz Alia. This regime was definitively overthrown in 1991. Since that time, Albania has been periodically wracked by civil and political unrest, leading to substantial violence in 1997 that was quelled only with the brief deployment of a UN multinational protection force.

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 152-163
Author(s):  
O. Martynyuk ◽  
I. Zhytaryuk

The present article covers topics of life, scientific, pedagogical and social activities of the famous Romanian mathematician Simoin Stoilov (1887-1961), professor of Chernivtsi and Bucharest universities. Stoilov was working at Chernivtsi University during 1923-1939 (at this interwar period Chernivtsi region was a part of royal Romania. The article is aimed on the occasion of honoring professors’ memory and his managerial abilities in the selection of scientific and pedagogical staff to ensure the educational process and research in Chernivtsi University in the interwar period. In addition, it is noted that Simoin Stoilov has made a significant contribution to the development of mathematical science, in particular he is the founder of the Romanian school of complex analysis and the theory of topological analysis of analytic functions; the main directions of his research are: partial differential equation; set theory; general theory of real functions and topology; topological theory of analytic functions; issues of philosophy and foundation of mathematics, scientific research methods, Lenin’s theory of cognition. The article focuses on the active socio-political and state activities of Simoin Stoilov in terms of restoring scientific and cultural ties after the Second World War.


Author(s):  
David Brydan

This chapter explores the relationship between Spain and the Axis powers during the Second World War. Spanish experts were involved in intensive exchange with Nazi Germany during the war. This formed part of a wider pattern of cooperation between Axis, Axis-aligned, and neutral states under the auspices of the Nazi ‘New Order’. This chapter argues that the scientific networks, conferences, and organizations promoted by Nazi Germany represented a form of ‘Axis internationalism’, which appropriated the language and practices of pre-war internationalism to promote the idea of collaborative continental order under Nazi leadership. Spanish experts, like many of their European counterparts, were willing to embrace Axis internationalism as a new, and in many ways improved, form of international cooperation. Their work highlights how internationalist structures and ideas, particularly within the ‘technical’ and humanitarian fields of health and medicine, could be appropriated by political projects from across the ideological spectrum.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 340-346
Author(s):  
Iveta Dabašinskienė

The most important and biggest railway station in Telšiai as a part of one of the first railroads Kretinga – Telšiai – Kužiai built in the interwar period is examined in this article. A variety of elements of the station’s infrastructure with special attention to passenger stations, houses for railway workers and warehouses (pakhauze) are revealed in the article. The significance of Lietūkis warehouses founded in the territory of the station and their connections with the railroad are discussed. Moreover, the arrangement of Telšiai Station buildings in the territory are analyzed and compared to the preserved site plan of the station and photo of the situation dated back to the Second World War taken by Germans from the air. While comparing the available sources, urban developments of the station area are discussed. The analysis material is based on archival sources, the interwar documentary publications and research of the location. Straipsnyje nagrinėjama vienos pirmųjų tarpukariu tiestos geležinkelio trasos Kretinga–Telšiai–Kužiai svarbiausia ir didžiausia stotis Telšiuose. Atskleidžiama šios stoties infrastruktūros elementų įvairovė, ypatingas dėmesys skiriamas keleivių rūmams, geležinkelininkų gyvenamiesiems namams, prekių sandėliams (pakhauzams). Aptariama stoties teritorijoje įsteigto Lietūkio sandėlių reikšmė ir sąsajos su geležinkelininkų. Analizuojamas Telšių stoties pastatų išdėstymas teritorijoje, lyginamas su išlikusiu šios stoties situacijos planu bei Antrojo pasaulinio karo metų vokiečių užfiksuota toponuotrauka iš oro. Lyginant turimus šaltinius, aptariami urbanistiniai stoties teritorijos pokyčiai. Rengiant straipsnį remiasi archyviniais šaltiniais, dokumentinėmis tarpukario publikacijomis, vietos tyrimais.


Author(s):  
Emily Ridge

The final chapter of the book directs attention to questions of identity and selfhood. If modernism witnessed the rise of a culture of portability, what did this mean for understandings of literary character, and how did such understandings alter over the course of the interwar period? This chapter documents the development of late modernist suspicion of portable otherness as this is conveyed through interrogative appraisals of portable property. Such a development coincides with the sudden pervasiveness of the literary figure of the customs official from the late 1920s. This is a figure shown to share the psychoanalyst’s eye for the repressed contraband: ‘Have you anything to declare?’ As the chapter shows, this question of self-declaration becomes a critical one in conceptions and re-conceptions of character from modernism to late modernism. The chapter culminates with a reading of Henry Green’s autobiographical Pack My Bag (1940) in conjunction with his fictional Party Going (1939), both published around the outbreak of the Second World War.


Author(s):  
Naomi Seidman

This chapter details the phenomenology of the Bais Yaakov movement during the Holocaust and after. The experiment that was Bais Yaakov was still expanding at a rapid rate and had hardly had a chance to come into its own when it fell victim to the destruction of European Jewry. Despite the disbanding of Bais Yaakov schools with the outbreak of the Second World War, numerous memoirs and histories of the movement attest to its continued clandestine activity during the war years. The networks forged in the interwar movement aided in the rapid re-emergence of Bais Yaakov schools and Bnos groups in the immediate aftermath of the war. Bais Yaakov established itself more permanently after the Holocaust in the centres of Orthodox life throughout the world, particularly in North America and Israel. Bais Yaakov schools had already been founded in both countries during the interwar period, and the Beth Jacob High School established in 1938 by Sarah Schenirer's student Vichna Kaplan operated under the authority of the Central Office in Europe.


2021 ◽  
pp. 28-42
Author(s):  
Marlene Laruelle

This chapter goes back in time to look at the Soviet construction of the Russian term fashizm and some of the ambiguities that the Soviet society cultivated toward the term and its historical personification, Nazi Germany. It recalls that the term fascism (fashizm), in Soviet times, belonged more to an emotional than to an analytical lexicon. The chapter also discusses Russia's history and Russians' memories of the Second World War, called the Great Patriotic War in Russian (Velikaia otechestvennaia voina) and Victory Day (Den´ pobedy). It reviews how the cult of war is intimately linked to the Brezhnev era and provided the context in which commemoration of the Great Patriotic War was institutionalized as a sacred symbol of the Soviet Union, a confirmation of the soundness of the socialist system and the unity of its peoples. The chapter then argues that the very solemnity of Soviet anti-fascism, and its centrality to the country's political identity constitute the fundaments inherited from Soviet times on the basis of which the notion of fascism is operationalized in today's Russia. Ultimately, the chapter further elaborates the three main sources of the Soviet's cryptic fascination with Nazi Germany and source of knowledge about fashizm: the Nazi propaganda, criminal culture, and cinema and culture.


2002 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 35-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Selim Deringil

For a Turkish historian of the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century, venturing into the Armenian crisis is like venturing into a minefield. It is fraught with dangers, the least of which is to be labeled a traitor by one's countrymen, and the worst of which is to be accused of being a “denialist” by one's Armenian colleagues. Even “balanced” analysis seems to have become politically incorrect of late, at least in some circles. The basic problem in the Armenian-Turkish polemic is that the sides do not actually address each other. They seize upon various capsule phrases, clichés and assumed political positions to heap opprobrium and abuse upon one another, to the point where we are confronted by something resembling a blood-feud. Thus Richard Hovanissian's obsession is to have the “Turkish side” admit, in a great ceremony of mea culpa, the claim of Genocide. On the other hand, Turkish historians and their like-minded foreign colleagues, at best, do contortionist acts to show that what happened to the Armenian people in 1915 does not fit the UN definition of genocide, which was fashioned after the Second World War to account for the Jewish Holocaust.


1967 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan Luard

The period since the end of the Second World War has now exceeded in length the period between the two World Wars. The time has thus perhaps come when it is possible to attempt an overall comparison of the two periods, of the types of threat to stability that arose in each, and of the differing strategies adopted to meet these.The interwar period is associated in the popular mind with the attempt to pursue peace through a policy of “appeasement.” This is the term traditionally used, primarily by hostile critics, and principally after the event, to describe the policy aimed to conciliate, rather than to coerce, those powers dissatisfied with the existing status quo. The policies so described, as is now generally recognized, were adopted by most of the governments concerned not primarily through crass refusal to face the facts of the situation or to summon the resolution necessary for active resistance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 858-879 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xosé M. Núñez Seixas

From the early 1930s, admiration for Hitler and Nazi Germany became characteristic of Spanish fascists. They were fascinated by the image of National Socialism and its example of ‘national resurgence’. During the war, the influence of Nazi Germany among Spanish fascists, traditionalists and supporters of the emerging Franco regime increased. On their return, Spanish travellers to Nazi Germany portrayed an enthusiastic image of a new society, marked by strong national pride, economic resurgence, social solidarity and material welfare. Until the end of the Second World War, several thousand Spanish Fascists and supporters of the Franco Regime visited Nazi Germany as soldiers on their way to and from the Eastern front, as civil workers or as students. A study of the experiences of such individuals may broaden our perspective on how Nazi Germany influenced foreign visitors. What image of Nazi Germany did those visitors paint in their letters, diaries and memoirs? What was left from this experience in post-1945 Spanish memories?


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-59
Author(s):  
Benjamin Tromly

AbstractThis article examines the post-war activities of the National Labor Alliance (NTS), a far-right Russian exile organisation whose members had served in German intelligence and propaganda structures during the Second World War. Using declassified CIA documents and previously untapped sources pertaining to NTS, it analyses the transformation of a semi-fascistic, collaborationist and anti-Semitic organisation into a Cold War asset of the CIA. The NTS played a role in shaping its association with US power by applying deceptive political strategies it had adopted during the interwar period and the Second World War to the new geopolitical context of divided Europe.


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