Soviet Legacy and Imagined Past Converge in Levant Battlefields

The article analyzes main drivers of the revitalization of the Soviet ideological narratives in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. A key impetus for the study has been ever increasing number of the terrorist attacks claiming dozens of lives in Russia committed by Central Asian originated fighters as well as arrest of dozens of members of the various religious organizations banned in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. The hypothesis rests on the assumption that ideological cacophony stemming from deep controversies embodied in the refashioned Soviet ideological narratives to me major cause of the problem. While employing the path dependence approach, I mainly point to interaction between the surge in the religious extremism and ideological disorientation caused by ideological disorientation in the region continuing since the breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1991 to address main research question “what are external implications of post-Soviet ideological narratives in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan?.” The paper finds out that the post-independent identity policies are not designed to build a new idea but to moot or keep at arms-length identities marginalized during the Soviet period. The Soviet legacy constitutes the core of the neo-ethnic identities introduced by former communist leaders just slightly refashioned with highly selective and politically motivated supplements. Sharp contradictions embodied in these narratives designed to ensure policy goals is among drivers of the ideological disorientation which in its turn acts as a breeding ground for the recruitment of Uzbek and Tajik youth to the global terrorist networks.

Under the Weight of the Soviet Legacy and Political Repressions: The Radical Left in Late Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia

Mass protest movements of the early 2010s, particularly the Occupy movement, stimulated the rise of radical left organizations globally. In Southern Europe, radical left parties celebrated their first electoral successes. In Russia, radical left organizations were also influenced by this upsurge of social protest movements and participated in the Bolotnaya protests in 2011–2012 but were marginalized and disintegrated shortly after, resuming their activities only by 2019. This article explores the radical left movements and groups in Russia and offers projections for their future. The Russian radical left is divided into three sub-groups: fundamentalist communists who identify with Stalin and the Soviet Union, libertarian socialists and communists (subdivided into neo-anarchists, autonomists, and neo-Trotskyists), and hybrid organizations (e.g., the Left Front). These organizations face two major constraints unknown to their Western counterparts. First, Russia’s authoritarian regime blocks opportunities for independent, particularly electoral, politics. This reveals itself in targeted repressions against left radicals and anarchists. Second, the dominance of the CPRF blocks any potential of strong left opposition. Unless these restrictions are lifted, radical left organizations in Russia will not be able to overcome their current crisis.

Polska mniejszość narodowa na Białorusi w okresie BSRR jako czynnik bezpieczeństwa narodowego ZSRR (1945-1985)

The Polish national minority in the USSR, including the BSSR, was viewed from the aspect of state security as an unreliable, subversive element. In this regard, it had to be Sovietized and Russified. In the conditions of the BSSR, there was also a specificity of the solution of the Polish question: first, the Poles were subjected to Sovietization and Byelorussification, and then to Russification. It was not possible to fully implement the plan for Sovietization and depolonization of the region and thus turn the Polish national minority into a Soviet society of power. The cultural and national specificity of the Poles of the BSSR and especially in the Grodno region has been preserved. However, the Soviet legacy in relation to the Polish national minority in independent Belarus has survived, including in the post-Soviet imperial complex “Great Belarus”, a character-istic complex of “small empires” for most of the former Soviet republics.

Institution of the ombudsman of a state language in Ukraine: Conditions, legal basis, activity

Thirty years after Ukraine regained independence, in many areas of social life, Ukrainian as the state language is still ignored, eliminated or marginalized. The state status for this language in the Ukrainian Constitution of 1996 did not grant it such a function due to the post-colonial domination of the Russian language, the post-Soviet legacy of non-compliance with the law and impunity in breaking the law. The annexation of Crimea and Russian aggression in eastern Ukraine, under the pretext of defending the Russian-speaking population, made the ruling elite and Ukrainian citizens aware of the importance of the language issue for state security and conditioned the need for institutional and legal protection of the Ukrainian language as a state language. The establishment of the institution of the ombudsman of the state language has become a new element in the legal system of Ukraine. The ombudsman's activity in the field of controlling the use of the state language, its protection, functioning and development is an effective instrument for the implementation of the state's language policy. The legal protection of the Ukrainian language as a state language and the establishment of the institution of the linguistic ombudsman is received positively by the majority of Ukrainian society. Criticism from pro-Russian circles and the Russian government shows how important role the language issue plays in the hybrid war with Russia.

Central Asian States in the International Rankings of Democracy Development

Since gaining independence, Central Asian states declared their commitment to democratization and development of a market economy, building their political systems based on the uncontested Western liberal-democratic model. Leaving behind the Soviet legacy, the political elites of Central Asian states strive to build an effective strategy for national and state development and to form effective democratic institutions. However, after several decades, the political regimes in the countries of the region have become more authoritarian than democratic. In the process of democratic transition, the countries face serious threats in the form of political instability and socio-economic problems. The renaissance of traditional national features made them an integral element of the political life of the sovereign states. The development of democracy in the states of the region is influenced by informal institutions - tribal relations, regionalism and the clan structure of society. In fact, the introduction of the basic elements of democracy into the political process of Central Asian states is formal or declarative, and the participation of the masses in politics is limited. Using various methods and criteria, international democracy development ratings assess the level of democratic development in transition states. Western countries set their own norms and rules for the democratization of transition countries based on the ratings of political transformation. As a result, international ratings are used as a tool for achieving the interests of Western countries that seek to reformat the political regimes of non-democratic countries, regardless of their socio-cultural characteristics. Each Central Asian state has its own features and dynamics/statics of democratic transit, but they are all united by the personification of power and loyalty to the autocrat rather than to the political institutions. The author attempts to trace the current state of the political systems of Central Asian states, highlighting the positive and negative trends in their democratization.

Evolution of the Russian film festival movement: trends, forms, themes, and genres of children and adult amateur filmmaking in the XX – XXI centuries

The subject of this research of this article is the trends, forms, themes and genres of children and adult amateur filmmaking on the context of development of the national film festival movement. The author traces  the evolution of the Russian film festival movement, which is reflected in trends, organizational forms, themes and genres of children, mixed and adult amateur filmmaking in the XX – XXI centuries. Methodological framework of this research is comprised of the dynamics of formation of the experience of emotional-value perception of the visual image of reality (B. M. Nemensky), content analysis, comparative, genre-thematic, statistical, historical-culturological analysis of the themes and genres of works of amateur filmmaking of the Soviet and post-perestroika periods presented at film festivals. As a result of the conducted research, the author divides the traditional filmmaking into enthusiasts of cinemagorahic art and amateur videographers; outlines the organizational forms and development trends of the Russian film festival movement; highlights the thematic peculiarities of modern amateur filmmakers that consist in the successive, traditional, new and lost themes of children and adult amateur films. The traditional amateur film and modern amateur video genres of screen works are determined. The novelty of this research lies in nontraditional approach, as well as comprehensive analysis of the problem of modern development of the amateur film festival movement. The main conclusions are as follows: 1) the division of traditional amateur filmmaking into two groups: enthusiasts of traditional cinematographic art and amateur videographers – creation of the works of new and traditional themes is substantiated by sociocultural peculiarities of modern development of the amateur film festival movement; 2) It is noted that the lost thematic groups, such as the Soviet legacy, would be revived in the works of modern authors; 3) there is an important feature in the development of modern amateur videography in the context of film festival movement and establishment of the new genres.

Following the Old Road: Organizational Imprinting and the Regional Development of Russia

ABSTRACT In this article, I draw from organizational imprinting theory to illuminate the impact of the Soviet legacy on contemporary Russian economic geography and regional policy. I argue that central coordination in the creation and regulation of Russian urban agglomerations is connected to a socialist imprinted paradigm associated with the Soviet economic regionalization model and territorial-production complexes (TPCs). I conduct a qualitative historical study to analyze the role of the foundational environment and the dynamics in the development of this imprint. I propose that this imprint effect is prone to reproduction in contemporary regional development strategies and community-based paradigms due to exaptation and cultural-cognitive persistence. The article extends the literature of socialist imprinting by demonstrating how imprints may emerge, transform, and affect localized organizational communities in transition economies and highlights the role of imprinted paradigms in policymaking and regional development.