scholarly journals Movimentos subversivos e attentatorios à ordem: uma análise da opinião do Presidente da Província do Paraná a respeito da Greve Geral de 1917, em Curitiba

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Caroline Da Rocha de Moraes
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
The State ◽  
Brazilian State ◽  
State Legislative

Resumo:Este trabalho tem por objetivo compreender a opinião e o papel expressados pelo Estado com relação à greve operária ocorrida em Curitiba, em julho de 1917. Será analisada a Mensagem ao Congresso Legislativo do Estado publicada em Fevereiro de 1918, escrita pelo  Presidente do Estado do Paraná  Affonso Alves Camargo. A partir desta fonte e de uma bibliografia sobre o tema, será abordado no texto, um breve panorama contextual a respeito do período, uma abordagem a respeito da formação da classe operária em Curitiba e por fim apontar  a sequência de acontecimentos ocorridos durante a greve de 1917 em Curitiba.Palavras-chave: movimentos sociais, greve, Brasil Republicano, classe operária, Curitiba. Abstract:This work has for purpose understanding the opinion and the role expressed by the Brazilian State in relation to the working class strike that happened in Curitiba, in July 1917. We will analyze the message to the State Legislative Congress published in Februry 1918, written by the president of the State of Paraná Affonso Alves Camargo. Through this source and the bibliography about this theme, a short panorama about context of the period will be approach in the text, the making of the working class in Curitiba and, for last, pointing the sequence of the happenings occurred during the strike in Curitiba in 1917.Keywords: social moviments, strike, Republican Brazil, Working class, Curitiba.

scholarly journals DEMOCRACIA E CRIMINALIZAÇÃO DOS MOVIMENTOS SOCIAIS NO BRASIL: as manifestações de junho de 2013

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 393
Author(s):  
Ilse Gomes Silva
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Living Conditions ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Action ◽  
Brazilian State ◽  
The Right

Resumo: O artigo tem como objetivo levantar elementos para a análise da ação do Estado brasileiro diante das manifestações de junho de 2013 e compreender o processo de criminalização dos movimentos sociais. As manifestações de junho de 2013, em todo o território brasileiro, denunciaram a precarização das condições de vida da população e a forma violenta do Estado tratar a classe trabalhadora quando ousa reivindicar seus direitos. Diversos movimentos sociais estão nas ruas exercendo o direito à participação política e pressionando as instituições da democracia. A reação violenta do Estado brasileiro a estas manifestações indicam que direitos duramente conquistados, como a liberdade de expressão e organização, estão ameaçados, o que coloca em risco a participação política da classe trabalhadora e, consequentemente, a democracia.Palavras-chave: Poder político, autoritarismo, movimentos sociais, democracia.DEMOCRACY AND CRIMINALIZATION OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN BRAZIL: the manifestations on june 2013Abstract: The article aims to identify elements for the Brazilian state action on the analysis of the manifestations on June 2013 and understand the process of criminalization of social movements. The manifestations on June 2013, in all of Brazil, denounced the deterioration of people’s living conditions and the violent way the state treat the working class when it dares to claim their rights. Diverse social movements are on the streets exercising the right to political participation and exerting pressure on institutions of democracy. The violent reaction of the Brazilian state to these demonstrations indicate that hard-won rights such as freedom of expression and organization, are threatened, which endangers the political participation of the working class and hence democracy.Key words: Political power, authoritarianism, social movements, democracy.

Unification and Its Discontents

2016 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-16
Author(s):  
Brian Kovalesky
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
School District ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
School Districts ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Los Angeles County ◽  
The State ◽  
White Working Class ◽  
City Schools

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, during the height of protests and actions by civil rights activists around de facto school segregation in the Los Angeles area, the residents of a group of small cities just southeast of the City of Los Angeles fought to break away from the Los Angeles City Schools and create a new, independent school district—one that would help preserve racially segregated schools in the area. The “Four Cities” coalition was comprised of residents of the majority white, working-class cities of Vernon, Maywood, Huntington Park, and Bell—all of which had joined the Los Angeles City Schools in the 1920s and 1930s rather than continue to operate local districts. The coalition later expanded to include residents of the cities of South Gate, Cudahy, and some unincorporated areas of Los Angeles County, although Vernon was eventually excluded. The Four Cities coalition petitioned for the new district in response to a planned merger of the Los Angeles City Schools—until this time comprised of separate elementary and high school districts—into the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD). The coalition's strategy was to utilize a provision of the district unification process that allowed citizens to petition for reconfiguration or redrawing of boundaries. Unification was encouraged by the California State Board of Education and legislature in order to combine the administrative functions of separate primary and secondary school districts—the dominant model up to this time—to better serve the state's rapidly growing population of children and their educational needs, and was being deliberated in communities across the state and throughout Los Angeles County. The debates at the time over school district unification in the Greater Los Angeles area, like the one over the Four Cities proposal, were inextricably tied to larger issues, such as taxation, control of community institutions, the size and role of state and county government, and racial segregation. At the same time that civil rights activists in the area and the state government alike were articulating a vision of public schools that was more inclusive and demanded larger-scale, consolidated administration, the unification process reveals an often-overlooked grassroots activism among residents of the majority white, working-class cities surrounding Los Angeles that put forward a vision of exclusionary, smaller-scale school districts based on notions of local control and what they termed “community identity.”

The State of Labour and Working Class History in Europe

Brood & Rozen ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ludwine Soubry ◽  
Geert Van Goethem ◽  
Paule Verbruggen
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
The State ◽  
Working Class History

Step It Up and Go

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Menconi
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Popular Music ◽  
Hip Hop ◽  
The State ◽  
College Town ◽  
American Idol ◽  
Recorded Music ◽  
American Popular Music ◽  
The Many ◽  
Nina Simone

This book is a love letter to the artists, scenes, and sounds defining North Carolina’s extraordinary contributions to American popular music. David Menconi spent three decades immersed in the state’s music, where traditions run deep but the energy expands in countless directions. Menconi shows how working-class roots and rebellion tie North Carolina’s Piedmont blues, jazz, and bluegrass to beach music, rock, hip-hop, and more. From mill towns and mountain coves to college-town clubs and the stage of American Idol, Blind Boy Fuller and Doc Watson to Nina Simone and Superchunk, Step It Up and Go celebrates homegrown music just as essential to the state as barbecue and basketball. Spanning a century of history from the dawn of recorded music to the present, and with sidebars and photos that help reveal the many-splendored glory of North Carolina’s sonic landscape, this is a must-read for every music lover.

The community strike: From precarity to militant organizing

2018 ◽  
Vol 61 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 159-177
Author(s):  
Marcel Paret
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Public Services ◽  
Informal Settlements ◽  
The State ◽  
A Site ◽  
Collective Actor

How do insecure layers of the working class resist when they lack access to power and organization at the workplace? The community strike represents one possible approach. Whereas traditional workplace strikes target employers and exercise power by withholding labor, community strikes focus on the sphere of reproduction, target the state, and build power through moral appeals and disruptions of public space. Drawing on ethnography and interviews in the impoverished Black townships and informal settlements around Johannesburg, I illustrate this approach by examining widespread local protests in South Africa. Insecurely employed and unemployed residents implemented community strikes by demanding public services, barricading roads and destroying property, and boycotting activities such as work and school. Within these local revolts, community represented both a site of struggle and a collective actor. While community strikes enabled economically insecure groups to mobilize and make demands, they also confronted significant limits, including tensions between protesters and workers.

scholarly journals Ants (Hymenoptera: Formicidae) from an Amazonian fragmented landscape, Juara, Mato Grosso, Brazil, with new records of ant species

2018 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. e20185840
Author(s):  
Ricardo Eduardo Vicente ◽  
Alexandre Casadei Ferreira ◽  
Rogério Conceição Lima dos Santos ◽  
Lívia Pires do Prado
Keyword(s):  
Transition Zone ◽  
New Records ◽  
The State ◽  
Fragmented Landscape ◽  
General Knowledge ◽  
Pitfall Traps ◽  
Mato Grosso ◽  
Brazilian State ◽  
First Time

The state of Mato Grosso is the 3rd largest Brazilian state, is covered with three major Brazilian biomes, including the Pantanal, Cerrado, and Amazonia. To date, 449 ant species are recorded in literature for the state. In the present work, we documented the ants sampled along a fragmented landscape, in the municipality of Juara, in the Cerrado-Amazon transition zone in the state of Mato Grosso, Brazil. The ant species were captured with Pitfall traps installed in 20 trails with 10 traps in each (totaling 200). Our results show 151 species, belonging to 43 genera and eight subfamilies, of which 28 species were recorded for the first time in the state and five species recorded for the first time in Brazil. Most genera collected were Pheidole Westwood, 1839 (45 species) followed by Crematogaster Lund, 1831 (11 species). By highlighting species recorded for the first time in state of Mato Grosso and Brazil, we hope to encourage new discoveries and increase the general knowledge of the ant fauna of different biomes in the region.

scholarly journals A imprensa operária e a História da Educação: uma análise das contribuições dos jornais O Labor e O Confederal para a História da Educação nos anos iniciais de Belo Horizonte

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
Renata Garcia Campos Duarte
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
History Of Education ◽  
Minas Gerais ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Classes ◽  
Education For All ◽  
Education History ◽  
History Of ◽  
Belo Horizonte ◽  
Educational Field

Este artigo tem como objetivo discutir a importância da utilização de impressos operários enquanto fonte para as pesquisas em história da educação, analisando alguns debates e ideias educacionais presentes em dois jornais operários de origem associativa: O Labor, da Confederação Auxiliadora dos Operários, e O Confederal, do Centro Confederativo dos Operários. As associações responsáveis pelos periódicos foram constituídas nos primeiros anos de existência de Belo Horizonte, cidade construída para sediar a nova capital do Estado de Minas Gerais. Os impressos operários, por sua vez, são entendidos em suas particularidades tendo-se em vista as suas características, os quais divulgavam algumas ideias e debates, como os referentes ao campo educacional. A partir da análise dos jornais foi apurada a existência de demandas e propostas por educação para todas as classes sociais, visto que o ensino em Belo Horizonte não era ofertado a todos, ou se era oferecido, não alcançava as classes sociais menos favorecidas.The working class press and the History of Education: an analysis of the contributions of the newspapers The Labor and The Confederal to the History of Education in the initial years of Belo Horizonte. This article aims to discuss the importance of the use of working class press as a source for research in the history of education, analyzing some debates and educational ideas present in two workers' newspapers of associative origin: The Labor, of the Auxiliary Confederation of Workers, and The Confederal, of the Confederative Center for Workers. The associations responsible for the periodicals were constituted in the first years of existence of Belo Horizonte, city built to host the new capital of the State of Minas Gerais. The working class periodicals, in turn, are understood in their particularities in view of their characteristics, which disseminated some ideas and debates, such as those concerning the educational field. From the analysis of the newspapers, the existence of demands and proposals for education for all social classes was verified, whereas the education in Belo Horizonte was not offered to all, or if it was offered, it did not reach the less favored social classes. Keywords: Workers associations; Belo Horizonte; Education; History of education; Working class press.

West Belfast

The Hoods ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather Hamill
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Criminal Justice System ◽  
Justice System ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Irish Republican Army

This chapter argues that, from the early days of the political conflict in the 1970s the conditions were such that the Irish Republican Army (IRA) adopted some of the functions of the state, namely the provision of policing and punishment of ordinary crime. The hostility of the statutory criminal justice system, particularly the police, toward the working-class Catholic community dramatically increased the costs of using state services. The high levels of disaffection and aggression among working-class Catholics toward the police meant that the state could no longer fulfill its function and police the community in any “normal” way. A demand for policing therefore existed. Simultaneously, this demand was met and fostered by the IRA, which had the motivation, the manpower, and the monopoly on the use of violence necessary to carry out this role.

The Quest for Industrial Citizenship

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Goodier ◽  
Karen Pastorello
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Working Conditions ◽  
Labor Movement ◽  
Immigrant Women ◽  
The State ◽  
Viable Solution ◽  
Italian Women ◽  
Working Class Women

This chapter explores the contribution of working-class immigrant women—another important but often underestimated group—to the movement. Working-class women touted the vote as a viable solution to wage woes and threatening working conditions. They did not need elite suffragists to empower them; working-class women transferred the speaking and activist skills they had honed in the labor movement to disseminate their suffragist convictions. In addition, many of the women possessed some of the same qualities suffrage leaders valued in their workers; being young and single, they had the freedom to travel the state and the ability to appeal to broad, working-class audiences. They compensated for class tensions by appealing to multi-ethnic voters as Irish, German, Russian, Polish, Jewish, and Italian women joined the suffrage alliance.

Recovered enterprises from the South to the North

Focaal ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2019 (83) ◽  
pp. 25-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giovanni Orlando
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
The State ◽  
Private Enterprises ◽  
The South ◽  
Global Crisis ◽  
Protracted Conflict ◽  
The North ◽  
Italian Case

Since the global crisis of 2008, Italy has witnessed several recoveries of failed private enterprises led by workers trying to escape the precarization of life under austerity. Some see this phenomenon as linked to the highly politicized occupations that took place in Argentina during the crisis of 2001. Italian recoveries, however, are usually far less controversial affairs carried out under the aegis of the state. What explains this difference? Looking at exceptions within the Italian case provides some answers. For example, a protracted conflict between workers (labor) and ownership (capital), the building of links with transnational struggles (including the Argentinian one), and the rediscovery of past working-class values such as mutualism all appear to be factors that can generate collective responses to austerity.

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