Temporary Labor Migration and U.S. and Foreign-Born Worker Resistance

Author(s):  
Immanuel Ness

This chapter examines how skilled and semi-skilled guest worker programs contribute to the displacement of workers throughout the U.S. economy. In the future, as migrant labor programs are institutionalized through the World Trade Organization and are viewed as the latest formula for economic development, it is likely that this new commodification of labor will spread into a growing number of labor market sectors, including manufacturing and transportation. At the same time the chapter reveals that while corporate human resource executives view migrant laborers as docile and complacent, a growing number are resorting to collective action in the form of micro organizing, where small groups organize to address the specific problems they face.

Equilibrium ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Czarny ◽  
Paweł Folfas

We analyse potential consequences of the forthcoming Trade and Investment Partnership between the European Union and the United States (TTIP) for trade orientation of both partners. We do it so with along with the short analysis of the characteristics of the third wave of regionalism and the TTIP position in this process as well as the dominant role of the EU and the U.S. in the world economy – especially – in the world trade. Next, we study trade orientation of the hypothetical region created in result of TTIP. We use regional trade introversion index (RTII) to analyze trade between the EU and the U.S. that has taken place until now to get familiar with the potential changes caused by liberalization of trade between both partners. We analyze RTII for mutual trade of the EU and the U.S. Then, we apply disaggregated data to analyze and compare selected partial RTII (e.g. for trade in final and intermediate goods as well as goods produced in the main sectors of economy like agriculture or manufacturing). The analysis of the TTIP region’s orientation of trade based on the historical data from the period 1999-2012 revealed several conclusions. Nowadays, the trade between the EU and the U.S. is constrained by the protection applied by both partners. Trade liberalization constituting one necessary part of TTIP will surely help to intensify this trade. The factor of special concern is trade of agricultural products which is most constrained and will hardly be fully liberalized even within a framework of TTIP. Simultaneously, both parties are even now trading relatively intensively with intermediaries, which are often less protected than the average of the economy for the sake of development of final goods’ production. The manufactured goods are traded relatively often as well, mainly in consequence of their poor protection after many successful liberalization steps in the framework of GATT/WTO. Consequently, we point out that in many respects the TTIP will be important not only for its participants, but for the whole world economy as well. TTIP appears to be an economic and political project with serious consequences for the world economy and politics.


Author(s):  
Murphy Halliburton

This chapter depicts the emergence of the concept of intellectual property starting with analyses of intangible property in pre-capitalist societies and the development of patents and copyrights in 15th-18th century Europe. Court decisions that expanded the scope of intellectual property in the last few decades in the U.S. are presented followed by a review of the development of patent treaties from the Paris Convention of 1883 to the current World Trade Organization TRIPS legislation which required a rewriting of patent laws in India and around the world. India’s 1970 Patents Act, the reigning law until the TRIPS regime, prohibited product patents on medications, allowing only patents on the process for making a drug in order to prevent monopoly control of medications. In 2005, India had to change its law to comply with the WTO by allowing product patents and exclusive market control of medications.


2014 ◽  
Vol 48 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 149-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie Winders

This article calls for the study of new immigrant destinations in a global context. Although the term “new immigrant destinations” has been primarily associated with the U.S., migration scholars of other regions and countries are examining new or emerging immigrant destinations and the implications of immigrant settlement in places that heretofore have had no notable foreign-born populations. This article argues that expanding the frame of reference for the study of new immigrant destinations provides greater insight into the ways that new geographies of immigrant settlement around the world are re-shaping dominant understandings of contemporary migration processes.


Author(s):  
Immanuel Ness

This chapter provides a historical comparative analysis of U.S. migration policy and examines why foreign migrant labor is growing at a rapid pace. In 1993, the Washington Consensus, the World Trade Organization (WTO), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank—multilateral financial institutions controlled by corporations in North America and Western Europe—established a new policy that would impose harsh penalties on any country that closed its borders to foreign trade, thereby setting the stage for monetary crises and high unemployment. That labor has no control over these organizations more than suggests the dire predicament that workers and unions confront today.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 384
Author(s):  
Denise Lucena Cavalcante ◽  
Mônica Rocha Victor De Oliveira

In 2013, the U.S. filed a complaint against India before the World Trade Organization, alleging the inconsistency of certain measures for India relating to domestic requirements under the Jawaharlal Nehru National Solar Mission (“NSM”) for solar cells and solar modules with the rules of the GATT, the SCM and the TRIMS (WTO/DS456).


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 1827-1840
Author(s):  
Flávio Marcelo Rodrigues Bruno

The present research has as its thematic approach, the (in) effectiveness of the decisions of the international commercial court from the recent economic policies for agriculture in the United States in relation to the determinations of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in the litigation on the granting of subsidies to cotton – Upland Cotton. It is the pretension of this research, to delimit the study of the subject in the sense of demonstrating that the United States continued to have negative impacts on the international market, even though they were defeated in the litigation against Brazil in the WTO Dispute Settlement Body. In the litigation of cotton subsidies – Upland Cotton, Brazil and the United States enter into controversy regarding the granting of this instrument of economic policy by the U.S. government to an industry in which Brazil has comparative advantages and competitive production, especially in international trade. The WTO ruling on the case has proved that the U.S. economic policy on the use of subsidies, in particular those granted to agriculture, constitute a protectionist practice that interferes negatively with international trade. An interdisciplinary legal analysis from the economic and political point of view is essential in the context of international trade relations that have a profound impact on U.S. trade policy practices.


2009 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 363-387 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Skala

The collapse of the World Trade Organization's (WTO) Doha Round of talks without achieving new health services liberalization presents an important opportunity to evaluate the wisdom of granting further concessions to international investors in the health sector. The continuing deterioration of the U.S. health system and the primacy of reform as an issue in the 2008 presidential campaign make clear the need for a full range of policy options for addressing the national health crisis. Yet few commentators or policymakers realize that existing WTO health care commitments may already significantly constrain domestic policy options. This article illustrates these constraints through an evaluation of the potential effects of current WTO law and jurisprudence on the implementation of a single-payer national health insurance system in the United States, proposed incremental national and state health system reforms, the privatization of Medicare, and other prominent health system issues. The author concludes with some recommendations to the U.S. Trade Representative to suspend existing liberalization commitments in the health sector and to interpret current and future international trade treaties in a manner consistent with civilized notions of health care as a universal human right.


2004 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sungjoon Cho

On August 30, 2002, the World Trade Organization (WTO) authorized the European Communities (EC) to suspend its tariff concessions and other obligations toward the United States to the extent of U.S. $4 billion for the latter’s failure to comply with the Appellate Body’s decision that the United States had violated the WTO rules, in particular, the WTO Subsidy Code by providing the prohibited subsidies to foreign sales corporations (FSCs) in the form of tax breaks (the FSC Article 22.6 Report). The sheer scale of the EC’s suspension in response to the U.S. violation is unprecedented, far surpassing the suspensions authorized in two previous cases that invoked the WTO enforcement mechanism, Banana III and Hormones. At first glance, this dramatic finale for such a high-profile case might be welcomed as an impressive revelation of the real achievement of the WTO system equipped with teeth, unlike its predecessor the old GATT.


2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-25
Author(s):  
Jai S. Mah

This study compares the determinants of antidumping duties with those of countervailing duties using data for the U.S. ITC under the World Trade Organization system. The empirical evidences show that the commissioners are responsive to changes in trade balances and unemployment rate. Their decisions in case of antidumping duties are revealed to be less responsive to changes in macroeconomic variables than those relating to countervailing duties. The Democrat Commissioners are revealed to be more responsive to macroeconomic variables than the Republican Commissioners in the case of countervailing duties-related decisions.


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