Exodus, Interrupted: Lot’s Wife and the Allegorical Interval

Author(s):  
Lowell Gallagher

Chapter one uses one of the jewels of late-medieval illuminated art from the studio of Parisian illustrator Maître François – a depiction of the flight from Sodom in a fifteenth-century manuscript of Augustine’s City of God – as the occasion to reflect on the ferment of patristic and medieval practices of allegorical composition and reading. The panorama shows how the allegory’s rich variance promotes established midrashic and exegetical habits of looking at Lot’s wife in Jewish and Christian biblical tradition -- a pictorial digest of condemnatory judgments. At the same time, the miniature’s design shows how allegory’s close affinity with the interruptive energy of figural expression (biblical typology) discloses breaches in the compositional chains connecting text and meaning. In these dead spaces between the visible and the legible, Maître François’ depiction of the abortive flight opens onto a glancing intuition of an ethics of prudential hospitality founded neither in the sovereignty of the law nor the satisfactions of duty.

Author(s):  
Richard Oosterhoff

Lefèvre described his own mathematical turn as a kind of conversion. This chapter explains what motivated his turn to mathematics, considering the place of mathematics in fifteenth-century Paris in relation to court politics and Lefèvre’s own connections to Italian humanists. But more importantly, Lefèvre’s attitude to learning and the propaedeutic value of mathematics drew on the context of late medieval spiritual reform, with its emphasis on conversion and care of the soul. In particular, Lefèvre’s turn to university reform seems to have responded to the works of Ramon Lull, alongside the devotio moderna and Nicholas of Cusa, which he printed in important collections. With such influences, Lefèvre chose the university as the site for intellectual reform.


2006 ◽  
Vol 86 ◽  
pp. 179-205
Author(s):  
Mellie Naydenova

This paper focuses on the mural scheme executed in Haddon Hall Chapel shortly after 1427 for Sir Richard Vernon. It argues that at that time the chapel was also being used as a parish church, and that the paintings were therefore both an expression of private devotion and a public statement. This is reflected in their subject matter, which combines themes associated with popular beliefs, the public persona of the Hall's owner and the Vernon family's personal devotions. The remarkable inventiveness and complexity of the iconography is matched by the exceptionally sophisticated style of the paintings. Attention is also given to part of the decoration previously thought to be contemporary with this fifteenth-century scheme but for which an early sixteenth-century date is now proposed on the basis of stylistic and other evidence.


Author(s):  
Michael H. Gelting

One sentence in the Prologue of the Law of Jutland (1241) has caused much scholarlydiscussion since the nineteenth century. Did it say that “the law which the king givesand the land adopts, he [i.e. the king] may not change or abolish without the consentof the land, unless he [i.e. the king] is manifestly contrary to God” – or “unless it [i.e.the law] is manifestly contrary to God”? In this article it is argued that scholarly conjectures about the original sense of the text at this point have paid insufficient attentionto the textual history of the law-book.On the basis of Per Andersen’s recent study of the early manuscripts of the Lawof Jutland, it is shown that the two earliest surviving manuscripts both have a readingthat leaves little doubt that the original text stated that the king could not change thelaw without the consent of the land unless the law was manifestly contrary to God. Theequivocal reading that has caused the scholarly controversy was introduced by a conservativerevision of the law-book (known as the AB text), which is likely to have originatedin the aftermath of the great charter of 1282, which sealed the defeat of the jurisdictionalpretensions of King Erik V. A more radical reading, leaving no doubt that the kingwould be acting contrary to God in changing the law without consent, occurs in an earlyfourteenth-century manuscript and sporadically throughout the fifteenth century, butit never became the generally accepted text. On the contrary, an official revision of thelaw-book (the I text), probably from the first decade of the fourteenth century, sought toeliminate the ambiguity by adding “and he may still not do it against the will of the land”,thus making it clear that it was the law that might be contrary to God.Due to the collapse of the Danish monarchy in the second quarter of the fourteenthcentury, the I text never superseded the AB text. The two versions coexistedthroughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and soon produced a number ofhybrid versions. One of these gained particular importance, since it was the text thatwas used for the first printed editions of the Law of Jutland in 1504 and 1508. Thus itbecame the standard text of the law-book in the sixteenth century. The early printededitions also included the medieval Latin translation of the Law of Jutland and theLatin glosses to the text. The glosses are known to be the work of Knud Mikkelsen,bishop of Viborg from 1451 to 1478. Based on a close comparison of the three texts, itis argued here that Bishop Knud was also the author of the revised Danish and Latintexts of the law-book that are included in the early printed editions, and that the wholework was probably finished in or shortly after 1466. Bishop Knud included the I text’saddition to the sentence about the king’s legislative powers.An effort to distribute Bishop Knud’s work as a new authoritative text seems tohave been made in 1488, but rather than replacing the earlier versions of the Lawof Jutland, this effort appears to have triggered a spate of new versions of the medievaltext, each of them based upon critical collation of several different manuscripts.In some of these new versions, a further development in the sentence on the king’slegislative power brought the sentence in line with the political realities of the late fifteenthcentury. Instead of having “he” [i.e. the king] as the agent of legal change, theyattribute the initiative to the indefinite personal pronoun man: at the time, any suchinitiative would require the agreement of the Council of the Realm.Only the printing press brought this phase of creative confusion to an end in theearly sixteenth century.Finally, it is argued that the present article’s interpretation of the original senseof this particular passage in the Prologue is in accordance with the nature of Danishlegislation in the period from c.1170 to the 1240s, when most major legislation happenedin response to papal decretals and changes in canon law.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. e038
Author(s):  
Rocío Bello Gay

El estudio de la documentación concejil de Piedrahíta da cuenta de la creciente consolidación de miembros provenientes del estamento pechero que a lo largo del siglo XV ocupan cargos políticos y de gestión tanto a nivel urbano como a nivel rural, al mismo tiempo que desarrollan procesos de acumulación de distinto tipo. El seguimiento de algunas de las figuras destacadas de los no privilegiados permite aportar a la caracterización de las prácticas, estrategias y trayectorias de dichos sectores en los siglos bajomedievales. Palabras claves: elites pecheras-prácticas-trayectorias- Piedrahíta-Siglo XV Title: The profile of the elites pecheras in the late medieval councils: practices and trajectories. Piedrahíta in the Fifteenth Century.


Author(s):  
Juliana Dresvina

Given that the cult of St Margaret was particularly strong in the East Anglian region (a quarter of all church dedications to St Margaret in England are found in Norfolk and Margaret was the most popular late-medieval name in that region), it is unsurprising that fifteenth-century East Anglia engendered three lives of St Margaret, commissioned by local patrons: by John Lydgate, by Osbern Bokenham, and by a compiler of MS BL Harley 4012, which used to belong to Anne Harling of East Harling. Chapter 6 discusses their sources, context, patrons, special features, and manuscripts.


Law in Common ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 213-240
Author(s):  
Tom Johnson

This chapter explores the growing use of English as a written ‘legal vernacular’ over the course of the fifteenth century. It argues that one can only understand the emergence of vernacular writing in legal discourse by looking to the local contexts of legal production. The emergence of English as a legal vernacular did not take hold uniformly across late-medieval society, and so we need to think more carefully about the specific kinds of discursive value that it held; the chapter argues that, as a legal language, English worked as a signifier of authenticity, a mode of signalling fidelity to real speech, and as a way of gesturing towards wider audiences or publics. This leads to the third argument that the growing significance granted to English as a legal language affected common people in late-medieval England in ambivalent ways. While in some ways the processes of vernacularization in the fifteenth century seem to follow a trajectory towards a more inclusive public discourse, as the ‘common tongue’ spoken by the majority of the populace became a language appropriate for expressing ideas about legitimacy, it was ultimately constrained by the relatively limited modes in which English was allowed to be legal.


1989 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 99-109
Author(s):  
Virginia Davis

At the beginning of the fourteenth century ecclesiastical recruitment AA was flourishing in England. Hundreds of men turned up to be ordained at the four Ember seasons each year at which major ordinations were permitted to be held. The majority of these men were secular clergy; only a small proportion were members of religious orders. Of the scores of people in the diocese of Winchester who came at the stipulated time to be ordained to the major orders at this date only about one fifth were members of religious orders and of those, only a handful were mendicants. However, by the end of the century, after the ravages of the Black Death, although the total numbers of men being ordained had declined dramatically a greater percentage of these were regular rather than secular clergy. A similar pattern can be seen all over Southern England. It was a trend which persisted throughout much of the fifteenth century. This paper will investigate the changing patterns of secular and regular ordinations to the priesthood in southern England in the period between 1300 and 1500. In the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries extensive anti-mendicant feeling was expressed both in late medieval literature and in rivalry between the secular clergy and the friars over the pastoral role of the latter. Was this, in fact, a reflection of a reality which meant that, compared to the position in the early fourteenth century, far more ordained friars were on the streets and in the parishes?


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document