scholarly journals “Under the Radar”: How is the Jewish–Arab Conflict Reflected in Internal Jewish Dialogue?

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 16
Author(s):  
Lipaz Shamoa-Nir
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Social Context ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Thematic Analysis ◽  
Intergroup Conflict ◽  
Identity Exploration ◽  
Exploration Process ◽  
Divided Societies ◽  
Arab Students

This study explores the role of intergroup conflict in the identity exploration process among 83 Jewish participants in a dialogue in a multicultural college in Israel. Thematic analysis has shown that the behavior of most of the participants has been affected by the Jewish–Arab conflict as follows: they centered on internal commonalities among Jewish subgroups; they neither engaged in conflict among Jewish subgroups nor explored their Jewish identities, and they expressed confusion regarding who the out-group was: the Jewish subgroups’ members or the Arab students in the college. These findings expand the knowledge about the identity exploration process in a social context of religious–ethnic conflict and may pose a practical contribution to the field of intergroup dialogues and conflict resolution in divided societies.   

scholarly journals Support for Conciliatory Policies in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: The Role of Different Modes of Identification and Territorial Ownership Perceptions

2022 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nora Storz ◽  
Borja Martinović ◽  
Nimrod Rosler
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Relevant Dimension ◽  
Intergroup Conflict ◽  
Conflict Settings ◽  
Ingroup Identification ◽  
People’S Attitudes

Understanding people’s attitudes toward conciliatory policies in territorial interethnic conflicts is important for a peaceful conflict resolution. We argue that ingroup identification in combination with the largely understudied territorial ownership perceptions can help us explain attitudes toward conciliatory policies. We consider two different aspects of ingroup identification—attachment to one’s ethnic ingroup as well as ingroup superiority. Furthermore, we suggest that perceptions of ingroup and outgroup ownership of the territory can serve as important mechanisms that link the different forms of ingroup identification with conciliatory policies. In the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, among Israeli Jews (N = 1,268), we found that ingroup superiority, but not attachment, was negatively related to conciliatory policies. This relationship was explained by lower outgroup (but not by higher ingroup) ownership perceptions of the territory. Our findings highlight the relevance of studying ingroup superiority as a particularly relevant dimension of identification that represents a barrier to acknowledging outgroup’s territorial ownership, and is thus indirectly related to less support for conciliatory policies in intergroup conflict settings.

scholarly journals Kebijakan Peraturan Daerah Berbasis Politik Rekognisi dan Resolusi Konflik Etnik

INFORMASI ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Suharno Suharno
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Group Relations ◽  
Local Regulation ◽  
Multicultural Community ◽  
Policy Interventions ◽  
Conflict Resolutions

Indonesia, as a multicultural country, has a high potential of conflicts among forming elements of its multiculturalism. To minimize potential of conflicts, it is necessary to construct space of co-existence for several identities. State, as an all-encompassing and all-embracing institution should be able to present policies that provide the space. Policy interventions can be taken in preventive, curative, and preservative domains. The problem is that in Indonesia centralistic era many state policies were being monocultural, containing misrecognition, even authoritarian. The situation adds conflict potential. The combination between monocultural policy and State failure in guarding policy becomes key variable in several multiethnic conflict in various regions of Indonesia. In context of centralized politics, East Kotawaringin (Kotim) proved a victorious success in ethnic conflict resolution. Sampit conflict between Dayak and Madurese in 2001 which is known as the most cruel and bloody conflict and claimed a huge amount of victims cleanses Madurese Ethnic from Sampit due to be killed, fled into the forests, or refuge outside Sampit even Central Borneo. Yet the conflict was resolved without leaving some significant problems. Unlike conflict resolutions in other regions e.g. West Borneo dan Ambon where conflict resolutions were intervened by Jakarta, Kotim succeeded in enactment of Local Regulation No 5 Year 2004 on Handling of impacted inhabitants of Ethnic Conflict. In the mentioned Local Regulation the rights of each conflicting party are recognized. Political recognition must be realized or included in a public policy (government or state), so that each party obtain legal certainty.  In preparing a public policy concerning inter-group relations in a multicultural society required the participation of each group, so the product of public policy can be understood and accepted by all groups. Implementation of the Regulation involved maximum participation of citizens, community leaders and members of Local Government. The role of Central Government is very minimalist.  While conflict resolution in many other regions leaves some serious problems—e.g. lack of formal return for victims in West Borneo ethnic conflict, or fragmentation of areas which homogenous identity of religion post Ambon Conflict—Kotim is able to preserve peaceful atmosphere among heterogenous identity and multicultural community. Key words: local regulation, conflict resolution, political recognition

Courts and Conflict Resolution: Problems in the Mobilization of Adjudication

1975 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 1200-1217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Austin Sarat ◽  
Joel B. Grossman
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Social Context ◽  
Conflict Management ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Dispute Resolution ◽  
Entire Range ◽  
Political System ◽  
System Stability ◽  
The Political

This article attempts to assess the role of courts and other adjudicative institutions in the definition, interpretation, and management of conflict. Understanding the function of courts requires an understanding of a society's entire range of conflict management mechanisms. Particular emphasis is placed on those variables most likely to determine where and how conflicts will be solved.Adjudicative institutions can be effectively differentiated by a typology which measures the level of formality in procedures and the degree of “publicness.” The structure of a dispute-resolving institution will have an important effect on which disputes are presented to it and how they are decided. The nature of the dispute, goals of the disputants, social context, and political culture are also important variables.Government has an important stake in the manner in which disputes arise and are resolved. It may promote or require the resolution of some disputes in the courts while allowing others to be resolved in less public and formal arenas. Formal litigation may provide a model for private dispute resolution. It may also absorb and deflect grievances before they escalate into more organized and intense demands on the political system. Finally, litigation may have an important effect on system stability by promoting support for regime values.

Consociationalism, Power Sharing, and Politics at the Center

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Wolff
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Current Practice ◽  
Institutional Design ◽  
Empirical Support ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Divided Societies ◽  
Sustainable Peace ◽  
Complex Power

For more than four decades, advocates of consociationalism and their opponents have been engaged in a debate over about how to design institutions to achieve sustainable peace in divided societies. In general, existing theories acknowledge the importance and usefulness of institutional design in conflict resolution, but offer rather different prescriptions as to the most appropriate models to achieve stable conflict settlements. Three such theories are of particular significance: power sharing in the form of its liberal consociational variant, centripetalism, and power dividing. Consociationalism, centripetalism, and power dividing offer a range of distinct prescriptions on how to ensure that differences of identity do not translate into violence. They often go beyond “politics at the center” and also provide arguments on territorial dimensions of ethnic conflict settlement. Practitioners of conflict resolution recognize the need to combine a range of different mechanisms, giving rise to an emerging practice of conflict settlement known as “complex power sharing.” None of the three theories of conflict resolution fully captures this current practice of complex power sharing, even as liberal consociationalism appears to be the most open to incorporation of elements of centripetalism and power dividing. A theory of complex power sharing would need to explain why there is empirical support for a greater mix of institutions than existing theories recommend.

scholarly journals Have You Asked for It? An Exploratory Study About Maltese Adolescents’ Use of Ask.fm

2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (6) ◽  
pp. 738-756
Author(s):  
Lorleen Farrugia ◽  
Mary Anne Lauri ◽  
Joseph Borg ◽  
Brian O’Neill
Keyword(s):  
Focus Groups ◽  
Social Networking ◽  
Thematic Analysis ◽  
Social Networking Sites ◽  
Exploratory Study ◽  
Peer Acceptance ◽  
Uses And Gratifications Theory ◽  
Identity Exploration ◽  
Perceptions And Attitudes

This article focuses on adolescents’ use of anonymous social networking sites (SNSs). Their perceptions and attitudes toward one such platform, Ask.fm, are discussed using the framework of uses and gratifications theory to explore motivations for using it. Four focus groups and four interviews were carried out with 22 Maltese adolescents (10 female and 12 male) aged 11 to 16 years. Thematic analysis of data collected was undertaken to identify and develop themes relevant to Ask.fm use. Findings indicate that the platform is a space where adolescents interact with others as part of their identity exploration. The role of anonymity was salient throughout. Ask.fm users were aware of the risks related to using the site; yet, the possibilities for fun, peer acceptance, and identity exploration may be driving them to experiment with this risky behavior. The implications arising from these exploratory findings may be applicable to other anonymous SNSs.

A Rose by Any Other Name? A Subtle Linguistic Cue Impacts Anger and Corresponding Policy Support in Intractable Conflict

2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (6) ◽  
pp. 972-983 ◽  
Author(s):  
Orly Idan ◽  
Eran Halperin ◽  
Boaz Hameiri ◽  
Michal Reifen Tagar
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Experimental Studies ◽  
Policy Support ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Current Work ◽  
Intergroup Conflict ◽  
Psycholinguistic Research ◽  
Intractable Conflict

Given the central role of anger in shaping adversarial policy preferences in the context of intergroup conflict, its reduction may promote conflict resolution. In the current work, we drew on psycholinguistic research on the role of language in generating emotions to explore a novel, extremely subtle means of intervention. Specifically, we hypothesized that phrasing conflict-relevant policies in noun form (vs. verb form) would reduce anger and impact policy support correspondingly. Results across three experimental studies in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict supported these expectations for both support for concessions (Studies 1–3) and retaliatory policies (Study 3), with reduction in anger mediating the salutary impact of noun form (vs. verb form) on policy support. These results expand our understanding of the influence of language on emotions and policies in the context of conflict and have applied relevance for conflict-resolution efforts.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document