scholarly journals Rights, Responsibility, Law and Order in 21st Century’s Civil Disobedience

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Collins Udeh
Inquiry ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 254-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred R. Berger

2020 ◽  
pp. 122-160
Author(s):  
JosÉ Medina

This chapter defends a confrontational view of protest that puts civil and uncivil protest in a continuum and argues for the contextual legitimacy of uncivil protest. The chapter argues both against conservative views for which protests are legitimate only if previously authorized and in full conformity with law and order, and against liberal views that allow for civil disobedience but, either for principled or for strategic reasons, allow only for protests that remain civil. I argue that contexts of oppression warrant the use of incivility and mild forms of violence for protesting injustice. Elucidating the history of protests in sports, the activism of Act Up, and the counter-protests of Black Lives Matter, I argue that nonviolent movements of resistance can legitimately use incivility and mild forms of violence while still being committed to the mitigation of violence in the long run.


2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
MANJIRI KAMAT

AbstractThe Congress, which had launched a satyagraha in 1930 to defy the Martial Law at Sholapur, had swept to power in the Bombay Presidency after the 1937 elections. However, once in power it started using a vocabulary of discipline in the industrial city. Its acceptance of power was greeted with a surge in labour activism led by the communists. The Congress initially relaxed many of the restrictions imposed by the earlier British administration and followed a strategy of accommodation. In a city like Sholapur, where government surveillance had increased following the violent popular unrest of 1930 in response to Mahatma Gandhi's call for Civil Disobedience, such temperate policies encouraged the articulation of submerged tensions, especially as the formation of a Congress government had raised expectations. Yet a combination of factors forced the ministry to adopt an uncompromising stance towards the labour activism of this period. Sholapur's turbulent record of unrest, the constraints imposed by class alliances, the trappings of labour recruitment from the criminal tribes settlement, the increasing influence of the communists, coupled with the bureaucracy and millowners' shared aversion to unbridled trade union activity, forced the ministry to adopt tougher disciplinary measures in the city. Therefore, when the labour agitation in Sholapur threatened to disrupt law and order, it brought about a shift in the government's response and the bureaucracy reasserted its power by reverting to repressive measures in the new Congress Raj.


2021 ◽  
pp. 22-52
Author(s):  
Erin R. Pineda

This chapter explores the political formation of the intertwined narratives about civil disobedience and the civil rights movement. Detailing their relationship to the 1960s push for “law and order,” it traces the significant ways that this context shaped the conceptualization of civil disobedience as a means of strengthening already extant constitutional principles. Theorists like John Rawls saw civil disobedience from the perspective of a white state: taking for granted the legitimacy of the constitutional order, assuming as primary the ends of constitutional integrity and stability, and figuring the problem of racial injustice as limited, exceptional, and all-but-already solved. Such a stance takes the state’s perspective by theorizing within the bounds of a presupposed legitimacy, prioritizing stability and maintenance of an existing system. This chapter shows how such a perspective delivers standards of judgment that bolster rather than undermine white supremacy.


2003 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 505-528 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Santhakumar

This paper analyses the impact of citizens' actions for protecting the environment in the context of the institutional features of developing countries. The enforcement of environmental regulation is likely to be weak in developing countries, and thus their citizens are being compelled to sue the polluters or take direct actions that are costly to the polluter. The theoretical and empirical analysis, based on 25 cases of citizens' action from the Kerala State of India, show that their impact is influenced by the institutional deficiencies of the country. Such deficiencies include the delay in resolving conflicts through court interventions and the lower cost of taking actions of civil disobedience due to poor law and order enforcement. The analysis leads to the conclusion that citizens' actions may not be very effective in controlling pollution from existing factories, and may be effective in blocking the establishment of new factories. Both these outcomes, i.e., the continued pollution in existing factories, and zero-pollution (or non-establishment) of new factories/projects, cause social losses, in the former case for the citizens and in the latter for the polluter.


2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Destinee A. Nelson ◽  
Janeen Stuthman ◽  
Krista D. Forrest
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (9) ◽  
pp. 245-257
Author(s):  
Dr. DR Agarwal ◽  
Ms. Bhawna

After the dawn of independence in 1947, India moved on the path of planned development after launching a series of five years plans with the objective of creating a socialistic pattern of society that is the growth with social justice. In a welfare society, the functions of the govt. increases extensively and intensively. Gone are the days when functions of the govt. were limited to internal law and order and war preparedness (internal and external security). To provide all basic needs of the lowest and disadvantageous section of the society is considered to be duty of the govt. Education, health, power, sanitation, transport, communication, growth through distributive justice, linking of employment process with planned development, balanced regional development, social welfare and social security, clean drinking water, rural development, expansion of production and productive resources, equitable distribution of income and assets, removal of poverty, eradication of illiteracy, reduction in regional disparities, price stability, empowerment of the weaker section of the society, research and development with application of science, improvement in technology and productivity, conservation of natural resources for future generation, continuous process of change for better standard of life, human dignity and values, environmental balances etc. On the other side, India’s population grew at 1.2% a year between 2010 and 2019 marginally higher than global average of 1.1% a year in this period, but more than double china’s 0.5% a year according to UN population fund state of the world’s population 2018, released on 10-04-2019. India’s population growth = Population growth rate of China + Population growth of US = 0.5 + 0.7. Moreover, actual fertility rate children per women is 2.1 against the desired family size of 1.8. India has over 18% of the world population but just 4% of its fresh water resources. This is going to create a big demand for all kinds of commodities. The propensity to generate waste is increasing (waste is associated with food such as milk packets and water bottles piling up and solid waste disposal is acute crisis in big cities). All efforts of growth of G D P may go futile, if population growth remains unchecked. This paper highlights the consequences.


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