THE BUNDESWEHR – IN SEARCH OF ITS IDENTITY

2012 ◽  
Vol 165 (3) ◽  
pp. 139-156
Author(s):  
Agnieszka POLOŃCZYK

The article describes the factors that influenced the identity of the Bundeswehr after its establishment in 1955. The first part of the publication depicts the changes in the international security environment and the armed forces after the Cold War, as well as the forecast of using the military factor and its direction in the future. It is the basis for further reflections about the value of each single military structure and its identity in the 20th and 21st century. The other part of the article covers the concept of organizational culture which influences the organizational identity. The main part of the reflections presents the original model of the factors influencing the organizational culture within the armed forces as a special organization. This model is the basis on which the selected elements of the Bundeswehr organizational culture have been characterized. As a result, the view of the German armed forces identity in the 21st century has been described. According to those reflections, it is possible to answer the questions of the direction of the Bundeswehr identity changes in the years to come.

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 12-47
Author(s):  
Yinan Li

The development of the PRC’s armed forces included three phases when their modernization was carried out through an active introduction of foreign weapons and technologies. The first and the last of these phases (from 1949 to 1961, and from 1992 till present) received wide attention in both Chinese and Western academic literature, whereas the second one — from 1978 to 1989 —when the PRC actively purchased weapons and technologies from the Western countries remains somewhat understudied. This paper is intended to partially fill this gap. The author examines the logic of the military-technical cooperation between the PRC and the United States in the context of complex interactions within the United States — the USSR — China strategic triangle in the last years of the Cold War. The first section covers early contacts between the PRC and the United States in the security field — from the visit of R. Nixon to China till the inauguration of R. Reagan. The author shows that during this period Washington clearly subordinated the US-Chinese cooperation to the development of the US-Soviet relations out of fear to damage the fragile process of detente. The second section focuses on the evolution of the R. Reagan administration’s approaches regarding arms sales to China in the context of a new round of the Cold War. The Soviet factor significantly influenced the development of the US-Chinese military-technical cooperation during that period, which for both parties acquired not only practical, but, most importantly, political importance. It was their mutual desire to undermine strategic positions of the USSR that allowed these two countries to overcome successfully tensions over the US arms sales to Taiwan. However, this dependence of the US-China military-technical cooperation on the Soviet factor had its downside. As the third section shows, with the Soviet threat fading away, the main incentives for the military-technical cooperation between the PRC and the United States also disappeared. As a result, after the Tiananmen Square protests, this cooperation completely ceased. Thus, the author concludes that the US arms sales to China from the very beginning were conditioned by the dynamics of the Soviet-American relations and Beijing’s willingness to play an active role in the policy of containment. In that regard, the very fact of the US arms sales to China was more important than its practical effect, i.e. this cooperation was of political nature, rather than military one.


Asian Survey ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 971-988 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renato Cruz De Castro

Abstract This article contends that the Philippine-U.S. post-9/11 security relationship is characterized by temporary and limited American troop deployment aimed at developing the Armed Forces of the Philippines' counterterrorism capability and fostering interoperability between the Philippine and American armed forces. The article concludes that the post-9/11 alliance is significantly different from the two countries' security relationship during the Cold War.


Author(s):  
Rafa Martínez ◽  
Fernando J. Padilla Angulo

During the transition from ancien régime to liberalism that took place in Spain during the first third of the 19th century, the military became a prominent political actor. Many soldiers were members of the country’s first liberal parliament, which in 1812 passed one of the world’s oldest liberal charters, the so-called Constitution of Cádiz. Furthermore, the armed forces fought against the Napoleonic Army’s occupation and, once the Bourbon monarchy was restored, often took arms against the established power. Nineteenth-century Spain was prey to instability due to the struggle between conservative, progressive, liberal, monarchical, and republican factions. It was also a century full of missed opportunities by governments, constitutions, and political regimes, in which the military always played an active role, often a paramount one. Army and navy officers became ministers and heads of government during the central decades of the 19th century, often after a coup. This changed with the establishment of a parliamentary monarchy based on a bipartisan system known as the Restoration (1874–1923). The armed forces were kept away from politics. They focused on their professional activities, thus developing a corporate attitude and an ideological cohesion around a predominantly conservative political stance. Ruling the empire gave the armed forces a huge sphere of influence. Only chief officers were appointed as governors of the Spanish territories in America, Africa, and Asia throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. This went unchanged until 1976, when Spain withdrew from Western Sahara, deemed the country’s last colony. The power accumulated in the overseas territories was often used by the governors to build a political career in metropolitan Spain. Following the end of the Restoration in 1923, the armed forces engaged with the political struggle in full again. After a military-led dictatorship, a frustrated republic, and a fratricidal civil war, a dictatorship was established in 1939 that lasted for almost 40 years: the Francoist regime. Francisco Franco leaned on the military as a repressive force and a legitimacy source for a regime established as a result of a war. After the dictator passed away in 1975, Spain underwent a transition to democracy which was accepted by the armed forces somehow reluctantly, as the coup attempt of 1981 made clear. At that time, the military was the institution that Spanish society trusted the least. It was considered a poorly trained and equipped force. Even its troops’ volume and budget were regarded as excessive. However, the armed forces have undergone an intense process of modernization since the end of 1980s. They have become fully professional, their budget and numbers have been reduced, and they have successfully taken part in European Union (EU), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and United Nations (UN)-led international missions. In the early 21st century, the armed forces are Spain’s second-best valued institution. Far from its formerly interventionist role throughout the 19th century and a good deal of the 20th, Spain’s armed forces in the 21st century have become a state tool and a public administration controlled by democratically elected governments.


Author(s):  
Acar Kutay

The continued influence of the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) on politics characterized the political history of the Turkish Republic, until such influence was first bridled and then ultimately broken by the Justice and Development Party governments during the 2000s. When the new regime was established in 1923, the military identified itself with its founding ideology, namely Kemalism, which was built on the ideas of modernism, secularism, and nationalism. Because the TAF assumed the roles of guardian of the regime and vanguard of modernization, any threat to the foundational values and norms of the republican regime was considered by the military as a threat to the constitutional order and national security. As a self-authorized guardian of the regime and its values, the TAF characterized itself as a non-partisan institution. The military appealed to such identity to justify the superiority of the moral and epistemological foundations of their understanding of politics compared with that of the elected politicians. The military invoked such superiority not only to intervene in politics and take power (1960, 1971, 1980, 1997, and 2007). They also used such identity to monitor and control political processes by means of the National Security Council (established after the 1960 military intervention) and by more informal means such as mobilizing the public against the elected government’s policy choices. In the context of the Cold War, domestic turmoil and lasting political polarization helped legitimate the military’s control over security issues until the 1980s. After the end of the Cold War, two threats to national security drew the TAF into politics: the rising power of Islamic movements and the separatist terrorism of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which posed threats to the constitutional order. Turkey’s EU membership bid is one of the most important aspects that bridled the influence of the TAF on politics. Whereas the democratic oversight of the military and security sector constituted a significant dimension of the EU reforms, events that took place around the nomination of the Justice and Development Party’s candidate, Abdullah Gül, for the presidency created a rupture in the role and influence of the military on politics. Two juristic cases against members of the TAF in 2008 and 2010 made a massive impact on the power of the military, before the ultimate supremacy of the political sphere was established after the coup attempt organized by the Gülenist officers who infiltrated the TAF during the 2000s.


Author(s):  
Sofia K. Ledberg

The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is a key political actor in the Chinese state. Together with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Chinese state institutions, it makes up the political foundation of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In the early years after the founding of the PRC in 1949, the military played an important role in state consolidation and the management of domestic state affairs, as is expected in a state founded on Leninist principles of organization. Since the reform process, which was initiated in the late 1970s, the political role of the PLA has changed considerably. It has become less involved in domestic politics and increased attention has been directed toward military modernization. Consequently, in the early 21st century, the Chinese military shares many characteristics with the armed forces in noncommunist states. At the same time, the organizational structures, such as the party committee system, the system of political leaders, and political organs, have remained in place. In other words, the politicized structures that were put in place to facilitate the role of the military as a domestic political tool of the CCP, across many sectors of society, are expected to also accommodate modernization, professionalization, and cooperation with foreign militaries on the international arena in postreform China. This points to an interesting discrepancy between form and purpose of the PLA. The role of the military in Chinese politics has thus shifted over the years, and its relationship with the CCP has generally been interpreted as having developed from one marked by symbiosis to one of greater institutional autonomy and independence. Yet these developments should not necessarily be seen as linear or irreversible. Indeed, China of the Xi Jinping era has shown an increased focus on ideology, centralization, and personalized leadership, which already has had consequences for the political control of the Chinese armed forces. Chances are that these trends will affect the role of the PLA in politics even further in the early decades of the 21st century.


Author(s):  
Steffen Hantke

During the 1950s and early 1960s, the American film industry produced a distinct cycle of films situated on the boundary between horror and science fiction. Using the familiar imagery of science fiction, the vast majority of these films subscribed to the effects and aesthetics of horror film, anticipating the dystopian turn of many science fiction films to come. These films often evinced paranoia, unease, fear, shock, and disgust. Not only did these movies address technophobia and its psychological, social, and cultural corollaries, they also returned persistently to the military as a source of character, setting, and conflict. Commensurate with a state of perpetual mobilization, the US military comes across as an inescapable presence in American life. Regardless of their genre, this book argues that these films have long been understood as allegories of the Cold War. They register anxieties about two major issues of the time: atomic technologies, especially the testing and use of nuclear weapons, as well as communist aggression and/or subversion. Setting out to question, expand, and correct this critical argument, the book follows shifts and adjustments prompted by recent scholarly work into the technological, political, and social history of America in the 1950s. Based on this revised historical understanding, science fiction films appear in a new light as they reflect on the troubled memories of World War II, the emergence of the military-industrial complex, the postwar rewriting of the American landscape, and the relative insignificance of catastrophic nuclear war compared to America's involvement in postcolonial conflicts around the globe.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-103
Author(s):  
Nikolay Nichev

Abstract The development of the military art and of the rapidly changing security environment, define the developing and the formation of new capabilities for their management. The increasing importance of the Expeditionary Forces of NATO demands the developing of the national legislation, connected with the nutrition of the Bulgarian Army military personnel, participating in expeditionary operations. In response to the tasks, delegated to the armed forces during their participation in expeditionary operations, the provision of the units with food becomes a priority logistic capability. The research is focused on the applicability of a new nutrition model in the Bulgarian Army, in compliance with the national and the physiological nutrition standards, with the resources security and with the specificity of the expeditionary operations, requiring a special expenditure of physical and neurological-psychological energy from the military personnel.


Author(s):  
Andreas Hauptmann Kaiser

V članku je predstavljen kratek zgodovinski pregled gorskih enot nemških oboroženih sil. Opisan je njihov razvoj od začetkov, ko so delovale kot specializirane enote pehote, prek obdobja obeh vojn in hladne vojne do današnjega položaja v kompleksnem in večdimenzionalnem bojevanju. Na kratko so predstavljene tudi posebne kompetence pripadnikov teh enot, v nadaljevanju pa avtor predstavi še trenutno opremo in strukturo gorskih enot ter njihove sedanje zmogljivosti. Članek ponuja tudi kratek pregled sodelovanja enot in njihovih pripadnikov na mednarodnih misijah, na katerih nemške oborožene sile sodelujejo. Na koncu je predstavljena vaja brigadne ravni Edelweiss 2015 kot primer izzivov, s katerimi se srečujejo nemška kopenska vojska in njene gorske enote v okolju kompleksnega in večdimenzionalnega bojevanja. The article provides a short historical overview about the German Armed Forces Mountain Troops. It describes the development from its beginnings as specialized infantry through two World Wars and the cold war era until today’s situation in a complex and multidimensional warfighting environment. In addition, a short view into some specific qualifications of the Mountain Troops is given. Furthermore, it highlights the current equipment and structure to show the present capability profile of the German Armed Forces Mountain Troops. Moreover, the article gives a short overview of the participation of units and soldiers in international missions, the German military was and is involved in. Finally, the Brigade Battle Exercise EDELWEISS2015 is presented as an illustration of the challenges the German Army and its Mountain Forces have to face in the afore mentioned complex and multidimensional warfighting environment.


Author(s):  
Dubuisson François ◽  
Koutroulis Vaios

This contribution discusses the hostilities that opposed Israel against Egypt, Syria and the armed forces of other Arab states, which took place in October 1973. After setting out the context of this confrontation, which is directly linked to the 1967 Six Days War, it presents the legal positions of the main protagonists (Israel, Egypt, Syria) as well as those of third states and international organizations. The third section examines the legality of this resort to force under jus ad bellum and concludes that the military operations on behalf of the Arab states can be justified as an exercise of the right to self-defence. Finally, the conclusions discuss the limited precedential value of this specific incident with respect to the interpretation of the prohibition to use force in international relations.


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