Anticommunists and Death Narratives

2019 ◽  
pp. 135-162
Author(s):  
John P. Enyeart

Chapter 5 focuses on how anticommunists used Adamic’s death, which the coroner ruled a suicide, to claim that Stalin murdered him. Anticommunists collectively constructed a version of his life intended to mute his antifascism and his criticisms of them, including his criticism that they embraced the fascist ethos. Anticommunists feared that Adamic’s repeated opposition to the communists could result in the public listening to his calls for a foreign policy that rejected colonialism and promoted peace. They smeared him before congressional committees and in the press. Some South Slavs helped advance the “Adamic as communist” narrative as a means of repenting their radical pasts. The chapter explores who else might have killed Adamic.

Worldview ◽  
1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 1-2
Author(s):  
J.F.
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
pp. 77-92
Author(s):  
John M. Thompson

Chapter 4 examines TR’s attempt to implement the Roosevelt Corollary in the Dominican Republic. Roosevelt avoided acting in 1904 in order to avoid any controversy that might harm his prospects in the upcoming election, and his actions after the election continued to be affected by resistance in Congress and the press. Many Republicans and Democrats were critical of an accord that arranged for the United States to take control of Dominican custom houses, the Dillingham-Morales agreement, and opposed efforts by the Roosevelt administration to secure ratification by the Senate. This confrontation occurred amid tension between TR and conservative, Republicans as well as growing concerns about TR’s expansion of the powers of the presidency. The chapter argues that this episode reinforced the president’s belief that the public could be a vital counterweight to elite opinion and Congress and that skilled political leadership was essential for an effective foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Idrees Ahmad

The Road to Iraq is an empirical investigation that explains the causes of the Iraq War, identifies its main agents, and demonstrates how the war was sold to decision makers and by decision makers to the public. It shows how a small but ideologically coherent and socially cohesive group of determined political agents used the contingency of 9/11 to outflank a sceptical foreign policy establishment, military brass and intelligence apparatus and provoked a war that has had disastrous consequences.


Koneksi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
Wiwin Fitriyani ◽  
Ahmad Junaidi

Freedom of the Press is the right to express, disseminate ideas, organize, and so forth. Freedom of the Press is based on the provisions made by the Press Council called the Journalistic Code of Ethics. The Journalistic Code of Ethics is the professional ethics of journalists. As the party that disseminates information to the public, journalists need to practice the provisions of the Journalistic Code of Ethics which consists of 11 articles, because various news reports that journalists report should have an impact on society. Then, one of the news that received more attention from the public, namely regarding the relocation of the Indonesian capital. At that time, the news received various responses from various parties. Therefore, various media are aggressively producing news related to this, such as Liputan6.com. In this study, the Journalistic Code of Ethics analyzed with the news included article 1, 2, and 3. The purpose of this study was to determine the application of the Journalistic Code of Ethics in reporting the removal of the Indonesian Capital City on Liputan6.com. Theories used include news reporting and the Journalistic Code of Ethics. Then, for the research method used, namely quantitative content analysis using coding sheets to process, and analyze the data. The results of this study indicate Liputan6.com has implemented a Journalistic Code of Ethics, although of the 55 news samples there are still 19 news that do not meet the element of balance.Kebebasan pers merupakan hak untuk berekspresi, menyebarluaskan gagasan, dan berorganisasi. Kebebasan pers dilandasi oleh ketentuan yang dibuat Dewan Pers yang disebut Kode Etik Jurnalistik. Kode Etik Jurnalistik adalah etika profesi wartawan. Sebagai pihak yang menyebarkan informasi kepada khalayak, jurnalis perlu mempraktikan ketentuan Kode Etik Jurnalistik yang terdiri dari 11 pasal. Hal ini karena berbagai berita yang jurnalis laporkan akan memberi dampak pada masyarakat. Salah satu pemberitaan yang mendapatkan perhatian lebih dari masyarakat, yaitu mengenai pemindahan ibu kota Indonesia. Pada saat itu, kabar tersebut mendapatkan berbagai respon dari berbagai pihak. Oleh karena itu, berbagai media gencar dalam memproduksi berita terkait hal tersebut, salahsatunya Liputan6.com. Pada penelitian ini, Kode Etik Jurnalistik yang dianalisis dengan pemberitaan tersebut, antara lain pasal 1, 2, dan 3. Tujuan dari penelitian ini ialah untuk mengetahui penerapan Kode Etik Jurnalistik pada pemberitaan pemindahan Ibu Kota Indonesia di Liputan6.com. Teori yang digunakan diantaranya pemberitaan, dan Kode Etik Jurnalistik. Metode penelitian yang dipakai yakni analisis isi kuantitatif dengan memakai lembar codinguntuk mengolah, dan menganalisis datanya. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukan Liputan6.com sudah menerapkan Kode Etik Jurnalistik, meskipun dari 55 sampel berita masih terdapat 19 berita yang tidak memenuhi unsur keberimbangan.


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


Author(s):  
Flemming G. Christiansen ◽  
Jørgen A. Bojesen-Koefoed ◽  
James A. Chalmers ◽  
Finn Dalhoff ◽  
Anders Mathiesen ◽  
...  

NOTE: This article was published in a former series of GEUS Bulletin. Please use the original series name when citing this article, for example: Christiansen, F. G., Bojesen-Koefoed, J. A., Chalmers, J. A., Dalhoff, F., Mathiesen, A., Sønderholm, M., Dam, G., Gregersen, U., Marcussen, C., Nøhr-Hansen, H., Piasecki, S., Preuss, T., Pulvertaft, T. C. R., Audun Rasmussen, J., & Sheldon, E. (2001). Petroleum geological activities in West Greenland in 2000. Geology of Greenland Survey Bulletin, 189, 24-33. https://doi.org/10.34194/ggub.v189.5150 _______________ The summer of 2000 was exciting for everyone interested in the petroleum geology and exploration of West Greenland. The first offshore well in more than 20 years was drilled by the Statoil group in the Fylla licence area, and seismic acquisition activity offshore West Greenland was more intense than previous years with four new surveys being carried out (Fig. 1). Expectations were high when drilling of the Qulleq-1 well was initiated in July 2000, not only with the licensees and the authorities, but also with the public. The well was classified as highly confidential, but nevertheless all information available was closely followed by the press, especially in Greenland and Denmark, but also internationally (see Ghexis 2000). Disappointment was equally high when the press release in September 2000 reported that the well was dry. Since that time much technical work has been carried out by Statoil and its consultants (Pegrum et al. 2001) and by the Geological Survey of Denmark and Greenland (GEUS), and a more balanced view of the positive and negative surprises from the well can now be presented.


Author(s):  
Michel Noiray

This chapter explains how a uniquely long-lived canon evolved in revivals of operas by Jean-Baptiste Lully and his immediate successors—chiefly André Campra and André-Cardinal Destouches—right up to the early 1770s. The Académie Royale de Musique was unique as the only theater to resist Italian repertory, except in two brief controversial periods. A dogmatic commitment to the old style and repertory survived after Lully’s death, quite separate from the operas of Jean-Philippe Rameau. Opposition to this unique practice broke out occasionally among the public, but such opinion was not widely supported in the press. It is striking that the main critics of ancienne musique, as it was called—Rousseau, Paul Henri d’Holbach, and Friedrich Melchior von Grimm—all came from outside France. This chapter is paired with Franco Piperno’s “Italian opera and the concept of ‘canon’ in the late eighteenth century.”


2021 ◽  
Vol 246 ◽  
pp. 354-373
Author(s):  
Nicolai Volland

AbstractRed Guard newspapers and pamphlets (wenge xiaobao) were a key source for early research on the Cultural Revolution, but they have rarely been analysed in their own right. How did these publications regard their status and function within the larger information ecosystem of the People's Republic, and what is their role in the history of the modern Chinese public sphere? This article focuses on a particular subset of Red Guard papers, namely those published by radical groups within the PRC's press and publication system. These newspapers critiqued the pre-Cultural Revolution press and reflected upon the possible futures of a new, revolutionary Chinese press. Short-lived as these experiments were, they constitute a test case to re-examine the functioning of the public in a decidedly “uncivil” polity. Ultimately, they point to the ambiguous potential of the public for both consensus and conflict, liberation and repression, which characterizes the press in 20th-century China.


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