Afterword

2020 ◽  
pp. 229-240
Author(s):  
Kathy Roberts Forde
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
New South ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Voter Registration ◽  
New Era ◽  
Nineteenth Amendment ◽  
Southern States ◽  
Racial Democracy

Racial divisions shaped the women’s suffrage movement and inflected much of the journalism that helped suffragists collectively imagine women as political beings, persuade others that women should be directly involved in electoral politics, and secure the vote through ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. These racial divisions proved tragic. If the Nineteenth Amendment ever promised a new era of racial democracy in America, that promise was lost when white suffragists abandoned the citizenship aspirations of black women (and men) in the South to the forces of white supremacy. Henry Grady’s New South ideology veiled coordinated efforts across the Southern states to thwart black political power and institute the “solid South” of white supremacy. In 1920, Mary McLeod Bethune helped lead black Floridians in a voter registration drive—a bold effort to claim black civil rights promised in both the Fifteenth and Nineteenth Amendments. The result was violent voter intimidation across the state and a massacre of black citizens in Ocoee.

Robert Rodgers Korstad,Civil Rights Unionism: Tobacco Workers and the Struggle for Democracy in the Mid-Twentieth-Century South. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003. 576 pp. $55.00 cloth, $24.95 paper.

2005 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
pp. 159-161
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Helgeson
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Working Conditions ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Tobacco Plant ◽  
Racial Democracy ◽  
Urban South ◽  
Tobacco Workers ◽  
White Workers

Robert Rodgers Korstad's dramatic story of tobacco workers in Winston-Salem, North Carolina, during the 1940s and 1950s, reveals the intricate connections between a local struggle for better wages and working conditions and the broader fight for racial democracy and civil rights. On June 17, 1943, a group of black women at the Reynolds Tobacco plant stopped work, rejecting the authority of a dictatorial white foreman and expressing long-simmering anger over speed-ups, dangerous working conditions, and unjust wages. With the help of organizers from the left-leaning United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers of America (UCAPAWA), hundreds of black (and a few white) workers at Reynolds built Local 22 of the Food, Tobacco, Agricultural, and Allied Workers of America (FTA-CIO). Korstad eloquently tells us how the FTA succeeded. He points to the temporary convergence of factors, an active federal government in labor relations, the labor movement's aggressive Southern Front, and the move in the urban South toward white supremacy with “a lighter touch” (376) that created a moment of extraordinary opportunity for “working-class blacks [who], through their participation in the labor movement, were in the vanguard of civil rights efforts of the 1940s.”(422)

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerry Gershenhorn
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Essential Role ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Educational Opportunity ◽  
Racial Segregation ◽  
Voter Registration ◽  
Equal Educational Opportunity ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Era

During the twentieth century, black journalists played an essential role in the struggle for equal rights in America. Operating in the racially oppressive South, determined black publishers, editors, and journalists illuminated racial discrimination, while advocating black voter registration and equal educational opportunity. Austin, who edited and published the Carolina Times from 1927 to 1971, was one of the most fearless and effective of these journalists. He boldly challenged white supremacy and racial segregation for over four decades, from the years prior to World War II through the modern civil rights era.

scholarly journals Alive American History: Сivil War of Monuments

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 12-29
Author(s):  
N. M. TRAVKINA
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
American History ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Leaders ◽  
Southern States ◽  
Legal Barriers ◽  
The U.S

The article analyzes the origins and causes of public resistance in the United States about the issue of preservation of monuments,  symbolizing the period of the Confederacy in the U.S. South during the Civil war (1861-1865). Indicates that the main factor in  the confrontation was a victory in the presidential elections of 2016  of D.Trump, who in the minds of his Democratic Party supporters is  associated with racial ideas of “white supremacy”. With the coming  to power of D. Trump in the U.S. relatively powerful movement emerged, mainly in the southern States for the  demolition and dismantling of Confederate monuments, which  symbolize, in the opinion of left-liberal forces, the ideas and theories  of superior and inferior races, who were believed to be sunk into  oblivion after the adoption in the 1960-s of civil rights laws.  Currently in the U.S. there are more than 1.5 thousand artifacts  relating to or symbolizing the period of the Confederacy and glorify  its military leaders. The specific histories of the dismantling of  monuments of the Confederation in various States are outlined.  However are considered and the counteractions of the opponents of  dismantling the legacy of the Confederacy are considered, which  created in the recent years the strong legal barriers for the  protection of Confederate monuments under the pretext of  protecting the cultural heritage of past historical periods. It is stated  that in retrospect, the current wave of dismantling of the  Confederate monument is to some extent а justified step because for  the first 30 years of the twentieth century these monuments  were erected as political symbols of the segregation-racist regime of  apartheid established in 26 U.S. States after the adoption of the so- called laws of “Jim Crow” at the turn of XIX-XX centuries. In the  conclusion it is stated that under the President D. Trump the severity  of the problem of the removal/preservation of Confederate  monuments and other monuments of the past American history will  remain in the foreseeable future.

The New Era of Toxic Politics

2020 ◽  
pp. 107-122
Author(s):  
Lee Drutman
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
National Politics ◽  
New Era ◽  
American National Identity ◽  
Partisan Realignment ◽  
Set Up

This chapter looks at the new era of toxic politics, when a fully-nationalized, fully-sorted two-party system emerged, divided over increasingly existential questions over the fate of American national identity. American national politics is so dysfunctional because it has two disciplined, non-overlapping parties, each constantly seeking to win a narrow majority. The institutions are set up to require compromise and coalition-building. However, electoral politics now push against compromise and coalition-building. Parties have no incentive to work together. And voters, increasingly convinced the fate of the nation is at stake with every election, now actively punish compromise. The result is toxic politics and political disaster. Though these trends have been building for decades, it was only in the 2010s that they reached their full expression. It was in the 2010s that political opposition fully became political obstructionism, and that political opponents became political enemies. Finally, the 2010s marked the completion of the half-century partisan realignment that began with the civil rights revolution, with one party (the Democrats) fully becoming the party of diversity and cosmopolitan values, and one party (the Republicans) fully becoming the party of white, Christian America and traditionalist America. This is the kind of political conflict that can destroy democracy.

scholarly journals White Compromises and American Prosperity

2022 ◽  
pp. 81-94
Author(s):  
Marvin T. Brown
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
White Men ◽  
Local State ◽  
Southern States ◽  
Civil Rights Movements ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Black Empowerment

AbstractThe development and protection of American Prosperity was contingent upon Northern and Southern white men making compromises that allowed the continuance of slavery. These white compromises in 1787, 1820, 1850, and 1877 not only protected white supremacy, but also unity of the settler’s economy. The Federal government invaded the Southern states not to abolish slavery, but to preserve the union. After the War, during Reconstruction, Blacks started schools, farmed the land, and were elected to local, state, and national offices. This period of Black empowerment was cut short when Northern and Southern states compromised again to allow the establishment of the Jim Crow regime, the terrorism of lynching, and the re-establishment of the Ku Klux Klan. This compromise was disrupted with the 1960s civil rights movements, which has left us today without the unity necessary to create a climate of justice.

Into the Heart of the Beast

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
David P. Cline
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
New York City ◽  
York City ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Voter Registration ◽  
Advanced Degree ◽  
Theological Seminary ◽  
Black Economic

Charles Sherrod was one of two SNCC students who began organizing in Southwest Georgia in 1961 what eventually became the Albany Movement. In 1964, he attended Union Theological Seminary in New York City to pursue an advanced degree and joined forces with SIM, recruiting a number of students who would travel to work with him in Georgia in greater numbers each year between 1965 and 1968. Students in Southwest Georgia encountered entrenched racism and white supremacy and focused their efforts on voter registration, electoral politics, economic development and education. As the term “Black Power” gained currency during these years, Sherrod interpreted it to mean black economic and political power and independence, and although most in the nation thought the Albany Movement long over, Sherrod and the SIM students continued to make great advances in Southwest Georgia.

From Suffragists to Pink Pussyhats: In Search of Intersectional Solidarity

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 490-493
Author(s):  
Chaya Crowder ◽  
Candis Watts Smith
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
100Th Anniversary ◽  
Voting Rights Act ◽  
Sojourner Truth ◽  
Nineteenth Amendment ◽  
Combahee River Collective ◽  
Feminist Movements

The 100th anniversary of the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment is an opportunity to reflect on the role of women in American politics. The tools of intersectionality allow scholars to pinpoint the progress and pitfalls produced by ongoing modes of sexism and patriarchy as well as racism and classism. It is now well known that major movements for the rights of American women have not always addressed the issues specific to black women (Simien 2006). Indeed, in 1851, Sojourner Truth discussed this issue of not being included in conversations about women’s rights (or civil rights for blacks) in her alleged “Ain’t I a Woman” speech. Similarly, the fact that Ida B. Wells and other black women were told to process at the back of the 1913 Women’s March on Washington is another illustration of the historical exclusion of black women by their white counterparts (Boissoneault 2017). Decades later and even after the 1965 Voting Rights Act enforced black women’s enfranchisement, the Combahee River Collective (1977) noted the exclusion of issues that affect black women by both 1970s white feminist movements and male-dominated anti-racist movements.

Innovation by Political Outsiders

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Epstein
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Women's Suffrage ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Nineteenth Amendment ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
Communication Goals ◽  
Print Era ◽  
Women’S Suffrage

This chapter explores communication innovations made by American social movements over time. These movements share political communication goals and outsider status, which helps to connect innovation decisions across movements and across time. The chapter primarily explores two long-lasting movements. First is the women’s suffrage movement, which lasted over seventy years of the print era from the mid-nineteenth century until the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. Next is the long-lasting fight against racial discrimination, which led to the modern civil rights movement starting in the print era, but coming of age along with television during the 1950s and 1960s. Both the women’s suffrage movement and civil rights movement utilized innovative tactics with similarly mild results until mainstream coverage improved. Finally, these historical movements are compared with movements emerging during the internet era, including the early Tea Party, Occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter, and the Resist movement.

Women’s Activism in the Modern Movement for Black Liberation

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aisha A. Upton ◽  
Joyce M. Bell
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Black Feminism ◽  
Direct Action ◽  
Black Power Movement ◽  
Women's Activism ◽  
Black Liberation ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Modern Movement

This chapter examines women’s activism in the modern movement for Black liberation. It examines women’s roles across three phases of mobilization. Starting with an exploration of women’s participation in the direct action phase of the U.S. civil rights movement (1954–1966), the chapter discusses the key roles that women played in the fight for legal equality for African Americans. Next it examines women’s central role in the Black Power movement of 1966–1974. The authors argue that Black women found new roles in new struggles during this period. The chapter ends with a look at the rise of radical Black feminism between 1974 and 1980, examining the codification of intersectional politics and discussing the continuation of issues of race, privilege, and diversity in contemporary feminism.

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